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Robert Lister Nicholls

As Europe was used by elements within the elite on both sides of the issue to secure electoral and political advantage, it is advantageous to define the character of the political elite. The definition of the political elite for the purpose of this book is Members of Parliament. This is because it was they who were directly involved in the political decision-making on Britain's membership of the Common Market, and so the evidence of their behaviour is readily available. Whilst this definition is utilised, however, it is apparent that there

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
A higher loyalty

This book argues that the current problems over Britain’s membership of the European Union are largely as a result of the absence of quality debates during the 1959–84 period. The situation today is also attributed to members of the political elite subordinating the question of Britain’s future in Europe to short-term, pragmatic, party management or career considerations. A particular and original interpretation of Britain and Europe is advanced, aided by recently discovered evidence. This includes the methods used by the Conservative government to ensure it won the vote following the 1971 parliamentary debate on Britain’s proposed entry into the EEC. It also delves into the motives of the sixty-nine rebel Labour MPs that voted against their own party on EEC membership, and how the British public were largely misled by political leaders in respect of the true aims of the European project. This is a study of a seminal period in Britain’s relationship with Europe. Starting from the British government’s early attempts at EEC membership, and concluding with the year both major political parties accepted Britain’s place in Europe, this book examines decision-making in Britain. As such, it contributes to a greater understanding of British politics. It answers a number of key questions and casts light on the current toxic dilemma on the issue of Europe.

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J. F. Merritt

The social world of early modern Westminster Chapter 4 Parish elites T HUS far we have examined the degree to which political power in Westminster was wielded by the Crown, the Abbey and powerful courtier families such as the Cecils. As we have seen, the exact balance of power might vary, but the net effect was to leave Westminster without larger civic institutions to govern its increasingly diverse and expanding population. The ‘townspeople’ have so far appeared as a frustrated, amorphous voice – villified as a group seeking the incorporation of the town

in The social world of early modern Westminster
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From local to transnational
Tanja Bueltmann and Donald M. MacRaild

2 Elite associations: from local to transnational May the Society long continue its useful course and may it ever be worthy of the great country ‒ England ‒ of which we are all so justly proud. (John L. Sanford, History of the St George’s Society of Baltimore, 1929, p. 16) While arguing for the ethnicity of English associations we also recognize wider and more practical aspects of their work. For instance, the earliest type of these associations, the St George’s societies, served a range of functions: civic, financial, social, cultural and emotional. They were

in The English diaspora in North America
Abstract only
David Torrance

in Britain (more specifically, in England) cannot be understood unless it is recognised that it is exercised socially (Fairlie 1955 ). 2 We will come to Fairlie’s parenthesised caveat later in this chapter, although it pointed towards a geographical dimension in the formation of elites within the UK, specifically Great Britain and Northern Ireland. In Wales, for example, irreverent reference is made to the ‘Taffia’ and in Scotland to the ‘Scotia Nostra’ and, within that, to the ‘Gaelic mafia’. All three imply close Mafia-like ties, just without the gruesome

in Scotland
Kieran Allen

4147 Inglis–Are the Irish different_BB_Layout 1 29/07/2014 09:26 Page 54 6 The Irish political elite Kieran Allen Why don’t the Irish protest? This became a familiar question after the economic crash of 2008. Diarmaid Ferriter, in his column in the Irish Independent, suggested that Historians in the future will contrast the wave of protests and mobilisations in other countries where incompetence and greed were exposed, with the absence of such activity in Ireland, even when the extent of the bankers’ betrayal and contempt for their fellow citizens became public

in Are the Irish different?
Phil McCluskey

6 The administrative elites Of all the territories conquered or annexed by France in this period that have been subject to detailed study, none suffered a wholesale shutdown or replacement of the existing institutional apparatus. Conquests were usually followed by a confirmation of corporate and provincial privileges, signifying that the traditional contractual relationship of the ruler with his subjects was to be maintained.1 Retention of the traditional forms of administration would, it was hoped, keep the local elites on side. In 1661, for instance, a plan to

in Absolute monarchy on the frontiers
Eighteenth-century British country houses and four continents imagery
Stephanie Barczewski

by contemporary visitors to Castle Howard as a political message referencing recent events close to home as well as on the European continent. From the perspective of a member of the Whig political elite like Carlisle, that message was clear: overreaching monarchs will bring about their own destruction. This was in keeping with the reason for building Castle Howard itself: to serve as a symbol of the

in Exhibiting the empire
Abstract only
Robert Lister Nicholls

that we are in danger of losing our sense of wonder over them. (Beer, 1969 : 351) The motives of individual members and specific groups within the British political elite on the question of Britain's membership of the Common Market were not based primarily on a consistent ideological position, but rather on party political or personal advantage. This argument is substantiated by a number of issues that feature prominently throughout the debate over Europe. On the question of sovereignty, for example

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
Abstract only
Robert Lister Nicholls

The current problems over Britain's membership of the European Union result largely because of an absence of quality debates during the critical period from 1959 to 1984. The situation today is attributed to members of the political elite from this period subordinating the question of Britain's future in Europe to short-term, pragmatic, party management or career considerations. In an historical examination of the impact short-term political expediency played in the positions adopted by members of Britain's political elites in the debates

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984