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6  The parliamentary context of political radicalism in the English revolution Jason Peacey During at least certain moments of extreme political tension during the English revolution, the process of petitioning Parliament could be a risky enterprise. This might seem to be an unexceptional statement, given scholarly familiarity with the fact that the Long Parliament became nervous about radical agitation during the late 1640s, and with the fact that the ideas of army activists and Levellers centred in no small part upon the assertion of the right to petition

in Radical voices, radical ways
Robert M. Bliss

procedures or constitutional structures. This legislation tells us and warned colonists of the radical, transforming potential of the English Revolution. The acts provide evidence for new conceptions of government and society which threatened the old order in both realm and empire. These conceptions were first widely explored in the political debates and pamphleteering which flowered during the civil war years. The

in Revolution and empire
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The Digger movement in the English Revolution

This is a full-length modern study of the Diggers or ‘True Levellers’, who were among the most remarkable of the radical groups to emerge during the English Revolution of 1640–60. Acting at a time of unparalleled political change and heightened millenarian expectation, the Diggers believed that the establishment of an egalitarian, property-less society was imminent. This book establishes the local origins of the Digger movement and sets out to examine pre-Civil War social relations and social tensions in the parish of Cobham—from where significant numbers of the Diggers came—and the impact of civil war in the local community. The book provides a detailed account of the Surrey Digger settlements and of local reactions to the Diggers, and it explores the spread of Digger activities beyond Surrey. In chapters on the writings and career of Gerrard Winstanley, the book seeks to offer a reinterpretation of one of the major thinkers of the English Revolution.

Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. This book argues for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution. Authority was always the first historian of popular protest. Explaining the complex relationship between the poor and their governors, the book overviews popular attitudes to the law and the proper exercise of authority in early modern England. A detailed reconstruction of events centring on grain riots in the Essex port of Maldon in the crisis of 1629 is then presented. Urbanisation, regional specialisation and market integration were the larger changes against which disorder was directed between 1585 and 1649. The book discusses the 'four Ps', population growth, price rise, poverty and protest, explaining their connection with population explosion to poverty and protest. The major European revolts of the so-called 'Oxfordshire rising' are then analysed. Popular politics might deploy 'weapons of the weak' in a form of everyday politics that was less dramatic but more continuous than 'riot'. On the very eve of the Civil War, large crowds, with underemployed clothworkers, attacked and plundered the houses of local Catholics and proto-royalists among the nobility and gentry. In a culture that proscribed protest and prescribed obedience, public transcripts could be used to legitimise a popular political agency.

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Radical political thought in the English Revolution

The Leveller movement of the 1640s campaigned for religious toleration and a radical remaking of politics after the English civil war. This book challenges received ideas about the Levellers as social contract theorists and Leveller thought as a mere radicalization of parliamentarian thought, analysing the writings of the Leveller leaders John Lilburne, Richard Overton, and William Walywn to show that that the Levellers’ originality lay in their subtle and unexpected combination of different strands within parliamentarianism. The first part of the book offers a systematic analysis of different aspects of the Levellers’ developing political thought, considering their accounts of the origins of government, their developing views on the relationship between parliament and people, their use of the language of the law, and their understanding of the relationship between religious liberty and political life. Two concluding chapters examine the Levellers’ relationship with the New Model Army and the influence of the Levellers on the republican thought of the 1650s. The book takes full account of revisionist and post-revisionist scholarship, and contributes to historical debates on the development of radical and republican politics in the civil war period, the nature of tolerationist thought, the significance of the Leveller movement, and the extent of Leveller influence in the ranks of the New Model Army.

The enduring controversy about the nature of parliament informs nearly all debates about the momentous religious, political and governmental changes in early modern England – most significantly, the character of the Reformation and the causes of the Revolution. Meanwhile, scholars of ideas have emphasised the historicist turn that shaped the period’s political culture. Religious and intellectual imperatives from the sixteenth century onwards evoked a new interest in the evolution of parliament, shaping the ways that contemporaries interpreted, legitimised and contested Church, state and political hierarchies. For much of the last century, scholarship on parliament focused on its role in high politics, or adopted an administrative perspective. The major exception was J. G. A. Pocock’s brilliant The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law (1957), which argued that competing conceptions about the antiquity of England’s parliamentary constitution – particularly its common law – were a defining element of early Stuart political mentalities and set in motion a continuing debate about the role of historical thought in early seventeenth-century England. The purpose of this volume is to explore contemporary views of parliament’s history/histories over a broader canvas. Historical culture is defined widely to encompass the study of chronicles, more overtly ‘literary’ texts, antiquarian scholarship, religious polemic, political pamphlets, and of the intricate processes that forge memory and tradition. Over half of the essays explore Tudor historical thought, showing that Stuart debates about parliament cannot be divorced from their sixteenth-century prelude. The volume restates the crucial role of institutions for the study of political culture and thought.

Articulating and disseminating radicalism in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Britain

This book is a collection of essays that study the diffusion of radical ideas in Britain from the period of the English Revolution in the mid-seventeenth century to the Romantic Revolution in the early nineteenth century. It explores the modes of articulation and dissemination of radical ideas in the period by focusing on actors (“radical voices”) and a variety of written texts and cultural practices (“radical ways”), ranging from fiction, correspondence, pamphlets and newspapers to petitions presented to Parliament and toasts raised in public. It analyses the way these media interact with their political, religious, social and literary context. It adopts an interdisciplinary perspective and uses case studies as insights into the global picture of radical ideas.

The English Revolution debate of 1940–41

how to be a historian Chapter 8 The emergence of the English Marxist historian’s scholarly persona: the English Revolution debate of 1940–41 Sina Talachian Introduction Otto Sibum and Lorraine Daston define a persona as ‘a cultural identity that simultaneously shapes the individual in body and mind and creates a collective with a shared and recognizable physiognomy... creatures of historical circumstance; they emerge and disappear within specific contexts’.1 The Marxist historian is one such persona or social species which emerged within specific contexts

in How to be a historian
The re-shaping of idiocy in the seventeenth-century church

the English revolution of the mid-seventeenth century, churchmen disagreed about whom to exclude from taking holy communion, who should do the excluding, and how this exclusion was to be practised. The dispute had kept resurfacing from the early church fathers onwards, but this was a key moment which, more than any other, determined the eventual course of English Puritanism.3 The constant reclassifications of potential contaminants of church ritual – hypocrites, the unregenerate, the lustful, drunk or willfully ignorant, the merely uneducated, children, the

in Intellectual disability
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it has demonstrated some of the relationships that linked the English Revolution of the mid-seventeenth century to the Enlightenment and also to the French Revolution. It has also Hammersley_01_TextAll2.indd 203 18/02/2010 17:10 204 conclusion emphasised the profound and essential connections between the republic of letters and the re-emergence of republican notions of governance as ideals and forms of practice. Notes 1 R. L.,Voyer de Paulmy, marquis d’Argenson, Journal et mémoires du marquis d’Argenson, ed. E. J. B. Rathery (Paris: Mme

in The English republican tradition and eighteenth-century France