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The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

Abstract only
Christine Agius

, Sweden has reconsidered the uses of neutrality in the context of interdependence and new security threats. Although resisting the lure of military alliances, Sweden now participates in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and cooperates with NATO in the context of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), the Western European Armaments Group (WEAG), and Partnership for Peace (PFP). In February 2002, the

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

’s eastward enlargement and to step up co-operation on peacekeeping (such as in Bosnia and Kosovo), anti-terrorism and ways to curb the spread of weapons of mass destruction.4 In addition, Russia was invited to join numerous other non-NATO members – and all NATO countries – in a new, at the time, forty-threemember Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) with basically the same purpose.5 A similar agreement – a Charter of a Distinctive Partnership (again no treaty value) – was concluded in Madrid in 1997 between NATO and Ukraine, providing for the two sides to develop a

in Destination Europe
Paul Latawski
Martin A. Smith

Parties, when in or over these territories … or the Mediterranean Sea or the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer’. See NATO Facts and Figures , p. 377. 60 Basic Document of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (Press Release MNACC-EAPC-1(97)66) (Brussels, NATO Press Service, 1997), p. 1

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Timothy Edmunds

confirmed as a candidate country by the European Council in June 2004. In February 2005 the SAA entered into force and in October of that year the country was finally invited to begin formal accession negotiations with the EU. 31 Croatia’s relations with NATO followed a similarly integrationist path over the same period. It became a member of PfP and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council in

in Security sector reform in transforming societies
Jaewoo Choo

effort to integrate these states into the Atlantic security system via the PfP programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. China and Russia, in turn, adopted a more traditional strategy of limited multilateralism with the creation of the ‘Shanghai Five’, which was later institutionalised as the SCO. Both China and the United States have sought preponderant influence, if not hegemony, in the region. Moreover, the 107 2504Chap6 7/4/03 12:40 pm Page 108 Security threats Sino-American competition means that China and the United States, almost by definition

in Limiting institutions?
Stanley R. Sloan

problems within the system in support of its mission of defending against external threats. It is credited with having helped heal World War II wounds inflicted by Nazi Germany on its neighbors. NATO has served to mitigate conflicts between Greece and Turkey. Indeed, the requirements of collective defense promoted a degree of cooperation between these two NATO members that might not have been realized in NATO’s absence. In recent years, several NATO activities sought to support the goal of collective security. Russia–NATO cooperation, the PfP, and the Euro-Atlantic

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Abstract only
new tasks, new traumas
Stanley R. Sloan

enhance the effectiveness of NATO’s partnerships, including the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, Partnership for Peace, Mediterranean Dialogue, 48 Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, 49 and the “partners across the globe.” 50 The latter category is perhaps the most interesting, because it opens the possibility for cooperation with like-minded states well beyond the Euro-Atlantic area. The value of such cooperation had been clearly demonstrated by global partner Australia’s major contributions to the ISAF in Afghanistan. To provide an even stronger foundation for that

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Mark Webber

Assembly, the Mediterranean Dialogue, the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), PFP) are much more expansive in geographic coverage but more limited in effect. It is probably overstating the case to suggest that taken together, these various relationships reflect NATO’s successful projection of ‘soft power’ throughout the Euro-Atlantic area. 27 A more sober and more

in Inclusion, exclusion and the governance of European Security
Ben Tonra

example, the UN is already ‘at the beck and call of the most powerful power blocs’ (The Irish Times, 26 November 2004) while PANA’s Roger Cole insists the UN is ‘in danger of becoming an instrument of US-EU policy’ (The Irish Times, 27 October 2004). From the perspective of this narrative, membership of NATO’s Partnership for Peace and its associated Euro Atlantic Partnership Council is a perfect case study of the way in which Irish neutrality and, more broadly, an independent security and defence policy has been betrayed. The Partnership ‘form[s] just another stepping

in Global citizen and European Republic