In recent decades, scholars in a variety of humanities fields have thoroughly
interrogated the ways in which established critical practices and theoretical
frameworks have reproduced paradigms of coloniality. Yet cinema studies lags in this
initiative. This article examines how presentist tendencies in particular have
contributed to the ongoing Eurocentrism of academic work on film, by focusing on the
acute challenges of film preservation and access, and the persistent sway of French
what’s happening around the world today as if there haven’t been people…
theorising racism, nationalism, empire and gender for a century and warning of exactly what we
Moulded by Eurocentric knowledge systems, most of us react to such developments with utter
shock. We – an imagined citizenry of respectable democracies – are horrified and
appalled at how far we have been dragged from our liberal, more-or-less progressive self-image.
And we are invited to consider whether we might be witnessing the end of the liberal humanitarian
relying first on existing data ( Quay, 2019 ). Fourth, challenge colonial,
paternalistic stereotypes about women and men. Gendered inequalities need to be
framed from local/national perspectives instead of outsiders determining these
require modernisation based on Eurocentric perspectives ( Peace Direct, 2021 ). Finally, reflect complexity in
analysis instead of relying on singular, dominant narratives. People’s
complicated decision-making and agency cannot always be easily smoothed over or
.M. Qasmiyeh, personal communication, 15 September
See www.refugeehosts.org .
For critical engagements with the concept, policy and practice of
‘self-reliance’, see Fiddian-Qasmiyeh
(2015) , Fiori and Rigon (2017) and Easton-Calabria and Omata (2018) .
Palestinians have often been highly critical and wary of the UNRWA’s role, intentions
and implications, including rejecting it as a Eurocentric institution which censors Palestinian
history, politics and priorities
Today, in many countries what is viewed as ‘credible’ economic knowledge stems from academic economics. The discipline of academic economics is based in universities across the world that employ economists who produce research that is published in academic journals and educate students who then go into government, businesses, and think tanks. Through the book’s authors’ and contributors’ experiences of economics education, and as part of the international student movement Rethinking Economics, it argues that academic economics in its current state does not provide people with the knowledge that we need to build thriving economies that allows everyone to flourish wherever they are from in the world, and whatever their racialised identity, gender or socioeconomic background. The consequences of this inadequate education links to modern economies being a root cause of systemic racism and sexism, socioeconomic inequality, and the ecological crisis. When economies are rooted in a set of principles that values whiteness, maleness and wealth, we should not be surprised by the inequalities that show up. Structural inequalities need systemic change, change that infiltrates through every level of the system, otherwise we risk reproducing and deepening them. This book makes the case that in order to reclaim economics it is necessary to diversify, decolonise and democratise how economics is taught and practised, and by whom. It calls on everyone to do what we can to reclaim economics for racial justice, gender equality and future generations.
imperial power was and is both constituted and resisted
geographically. 2 As promised in the
Introduction, the book has examined the spatial dynamics of power with respect to the
contested regulation of sexuality, aiming to critique and contest Eurocentric accounts of the
same. It is now time to take stock of the ways in which these questions have been answered,
the extent to which the promise of geographical imagination has been realised in activism and
can be applied to contemporary problems.
Building on Manderson
historical laws, to the untheorized history of people different from one’s own. He suggested that a distinctive approach to world history, dating from the mid-twentieth century, ‘has focused attention on comparisons, connections, networks, and systems rather than the experiences of individual communities or discrete societies.’ He also pointed to a deeper engagement with Eurocentric assumptions and a ‘fixation on the nation-state as the default and even natural category of historical analysis.’ 6 Lynn Hunt defined globalization as ‘the process by which the world becomes
from which we are making these observations. Mahdis is a queer German-Iranian woman while Piro is a queer Albanian Muslim man raised in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, once the Socialist Republic of Macedonia and now Northern Macedonia. We owe a great deal of gratitude to our common friend and member of the trans-feminist collective t.i.c.t.a.c., Tjaša Kancler, who introduced and invited us to the encuentro antirracista. Situated in decolonial de-linking and divesting from the ways in which Barcelona is moulded and modelled in Eurocentric epistemologies
Negotiating scholarly personae in UNESCO’s General History of
Larissa Schulte Nordholt
persona concept have mostly adopted micro
or meso perspectives of historical scholarship, and focused on specific
scholars and their ideals of virtue and vice and on cross-disciplinary comparisons of virtue catalogues, respectively.2 African historians engaged in
the General History of Africa, by contrast, invite us to adopt a macro
perspective, given that they dissociated themselves from ‘the’ Western
historian, no less, in its multiple, Eurocentric, incarnations. What could
it mean for the study of scholarly personae to move to such a macro level
and scrutinize a
Over more than thirty years of reform and opening, the Chinese Communist Party has pursued the gradual marketization of China’s economy alongside the preservation of a resiliently authoritarian political system, defying long-standing predictions that ‘transition’ to a market economy would catalyse deeper political transformation. In an era of deepening synergy between authoritarian politics and finance capitalism, Communists constructing capitalism offers a novel and important perspective on this central dilemma of contemporary Chinese development. This book challenges existing state–market paradigms of political economy and reveals the Eurocentric assumptions of liberal scepticism towards Chinese authoritarian resilience. It works with an alternative conceptual vocabulary for analysing the political economy of financial development as both the management and exploitation of socio-economic uncertainty. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork and over sixty interviews with policymakers, bankers, and former party and state officials, the book delves into the role of China’s state-owned banking system since 1989. It shows how political control over capital has been central to China’s experience of capitalist development, enabling both rapid economic growth whilst preserving macroeconomic and political stability. Communists constructing capitalism will be of academic interest to scholars and graduate students in the fields of Chinese studies, social studies of finance, and international and comparative political economy. Beyond academia, it will be essential reading for anyone interested in the evolution of Chinese capitalism and its implications for an increasingly central issue in contemporary global politics: the financial foundations of illiberal capitalism.