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unrooted. Although governmental discourses about European security continue to methodically mobilise the assumptions, codes and procedures that enforce our understanding of humanity as subdivided in territorially defined statal spaces as their primary and natural habitat, it is becoming obvious that such efforts to classify, organise and frame Europe’s collective consciousness along these lines are
In the story of post-Cold War conceptual confusion, the war in and over Kosovo stands out as a particularly interesting episode. This book provides new and stimulating perspectives on how Kosovo has shaped the new Europe. It breaks down traditional assumptions in the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on recent events in Kosovo. The book offers a conceptual overview of the Kosovo debate, placing these events in the context of globalisation, European integration and the discourse of modernity and its aftermath. It then examines Kosovo's impact on the idea of war. One of the great paradoxes of the war in Kosovo was that it was not just one campaign but two: there was the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo and the allied bombing campaign against targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. Serbia's killing of Kosovo has set the parameters of the Balkanisation-integration nexus, offering 'Europe' (and the West in general) a unique opportunity to suggest itself as the strong centre that keeps the margins from running away. Next, it investigates 'Kosovo' as a product of the decay of modern institutions and discourses like sovereignty, statehood, the warring state or the United Nations system. 'Kosovo' has introduced new overtones into the European Weltanschauung and the ways in which 'Europe' asserts itself as an independent power discourse in a globalising world: increasingly diffident, looking for firm foundations in the conceptual void of the turn of the century.
‘The European Security Strategy: paper tiger or catalyst for joint action? Part II’, German Foreign Policy in Dialogue , 5:14(October 2004), p. 915, www.deutsche-aussenpolitik.de . 20 National Security Concept of the Republic of Estonia (6 March 2001), www.vm.ee/eng/kat_177/aken_prindi/838.html
providing a ‘hard’ collective defence guarantee and as offering a route to defence modernisation and security sector reform. The EU, meanwhile, as the site of a sophisticated and multilayered set of cooperative policies, has been perceived as the best method to address myriad ‘soft’ security challenges and increasingly, via the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and its offshoot the European Security
How inclusive are the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the European Union (EU)? The enlargement of both organisations seems to give some substance to the vision of a ‘Europe whole and free’ articulated at the Cold War's end. Yet more recently, enlargement's limits have increasingly come to be recognised, bringing an important debate on the balance to be struck between inclusion and exclusion. This book examines that sometimes awkward balance. Its analytical starting point is the characterisation of much of Europe as a security community managed by a system of security governance. The boundary of this system is neither clear nor fixed, but a dynamic of inclusion and exclusion can be said to exist by reference to its most concrete expression—that of institutional enlargement. On this basis, the book offers an elaboration of the concept of security governance itself, complemented by a historical survey of the Cold War and its end, the post-Cold War development of NATO and the EU, and case studies of two important ‘excluded’ states: Russia and Turkey.
The conflict in Kosovo represents a significant watershed in post-Cold War international security. Interpreting its political and operational significance should reveal important clues for understanding international security in the new millennium. This text analyses the international response to the crisis in Kosovo and its broader implications, by examining its diplomatic, military and humanitarian features. Despite the widely held perception that the conflict in Kosovo has implications for international security, unravelling them can be challenging, as it remains an event replete with paradoxes. There are many such paradoxes. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) entered into the conflict ostensibly to head off a humanitarian catastrophe, only to accelerate the catastrophe by engaging in a bombing campaign; the political aims of all the major players contradicted the military means chosen by them in the conflict. The Russian role in the diplomatic efforts demonstrated that NATO did not want Russia to be involved but in the end needed its involvement. Russia opposed the bombing campaign but ultimately did not have enough power or influence to rise above a role as NATO's messenger; the doctrinal hurdles to achieving ‘immaculate coercion’ by use of air power alone seemed to tumble in the face of apparent success; it is ultimately unclear how or why NATO succeeded.
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham Preface: Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order Introduction: ‘Brother, can you spare a paradigm?’ Twelve years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, talk about the end of the Cold War continues to haunt the professional discourse on European security. The seemingly innocent reference to the post-Cold War era has turned into an almost standard opening line of most writings
development. With the accession of ten new member states in just under two months’ time, an enlarged EU will comprise over 450 million people producing a quarter of the world’s gross national products. There is no doubt that the European Union is a global player. Our size and wealth brings not only opportunities but also obligations. As Presidency, Ireland is facilitating the dynamic to enhance the role of the EU as a force for peace. This is the thinking behind the European Security Strategy, which was adopted by the European Council last December. The increasing MUP
6 Institutional imperatives of system change The evolving European security architecture Introduction The European landscape is changing rapidly, not least owing to a series of decisions taken in the second half of the 1990s. In June 1996, NATO’s foreign ministers decided to adopt ESDI ‘within the Alliance’ and to develop the CJTF concept. In May 1997, NATO and Russia agreed to establish a Joint Permanent Council. In June 1997, EU leaders reached agreement on the AMT. In July 1997 in Madrid, NATO agreed on the admission of three new members (Poland, Hungary and
disinformation coming from Russia in 2014–15, those resulting from the migration and asylum crisis of 2015 and, finally, the EU's policy response to the greater critical juncture in European security which came to the fore in 2014. These cases have been selected for several reasons. A feature they all share is that they concern recent change episodes, in which a variety of different actors was involved at both the European level and the member state level. Students will recognise these episodes as they filled news and analysis sections during their peak. The historical