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Welles at the Mercury Theatre
Andrew James Hartley

In November 1937, Orson Welles’s production of Julius Caesar, staged at New York’s Mercury Theatre on Broadway, opened to immediate adulation and controversy. The production, famously, was decked out with all the trappings and scenic theatricality of contemporary European Fascism and renamed Caesar: Death of a Dictator . However much scholars have sometimes questioned

in Julius Caesar
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If honour and principle were the watchwords for Caesars of the nineteenth century, and totalitarianism the core of twentieth, the word which ghosts twenty-first-century productions most clearly is 'spin'. This book traces this evolutionary journey, and discusses productions because they somehow speak to ideas about the play which characterise their period of production, or they have significant features in their own right. It first gives an account of productions of the play prior to the Second World War, right from the stagings at the Globe Theatre's in 1599 to William Bridges-Adams's productions till 1934. The 1937 Orson Welles's production of Julius Caesar, staged at New York's Mercury Theatre was decked out with all the trappings and scenic theatricality of contemporary European Fascism. Shakespeare's play becomes a forum for a consideration of an ethics of American identity with John Houseman's 1953 film. The book discusses three modernist productions of Lindsay Anderson, John Barton and Trevor Nunn, and the new versions of the play for the British TV. The productions under Thatcher's Britain are also focused as well as the unknown accents, especially the Indian and African ones. The productions of Italy, Austria and Germany productions have eschewed direct political association with past or present regimes. The book also presents a detailed study of two productions by a single company, Georgia Shakespeare. In the new millennium, the play's back-and-forth exchange between its long past and the shrill and vibrant insistence of its present, have taken centre stage.

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Jewish refugees in Manchester
Bill Williams

memories of those whose admittance to Britain spared them its consequences. It was only in this context that ‘for those coming from the Continent’, Britain was, in Fred Uhlman’s memorable phrase, ‘a haven and a heaven’.15 5 ‘Jews and other foreigners’ This study seeks to restore a sense of balance to Manchester’s role in refugee history: to assess the degree to which the people and institutions of a supposedly liberal British city like Manchester actually reached beyond their everyday concerns to help the victims of European Fascism find a haven of safety. It throws

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
Manchester Rotarians and refugees
Bill Williams

the beginning of Britain’s military confrontation of the German Reich, the Manchester Rotary Club was conceptualised as a vehicle for the delivery of those values with which the British nation and her allies confronted European fascism. It was part of what many saw as the ideological battle which underlay the military conflict. How accurate was such a perception of the context and of the Manchester Rotary Club’s place within it? 326 Manchester Rotarians and refugees The Manchester Rotary Club Manchester Rotarians had first been propelled into the international

in ‘Jews and other foreigners’
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Global Caesars
Andrew James Hartley

clearly marked by European Fascism and then in the postcolonial cultures of India and South Africa. Given the many variables which govern a play’s performance history in places with widely differing cultures and histories, it seems unreasonable to expect consistent patterns to emerge; but in the case of Caesar, some tentative observations might be made. First, the play’s political valences, though they

in Julius Caesar
Race and nation in twenty-first-century Britain

Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.

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American horror comics as Cold War commentary and critique

Printing Terror places horror comics of the mid-twentieth century in dialogue with the anxieties of their age. It rejects the narrative of horror comics as inherently and necessarily subversive and explores, instead, the ways in which these texts manifest white male fears over America’s changing sociological landscape. It examines two eras: the pre-CCA period of the 1940s and 1950s, and the post-CCA era to 1975. The authors examine each of these periods through the lenses of war, gender, and race, demonstrating that horror comics are centred upon white male victimhood and the monstrosity of the gendered and/or racialised other. It is of interest to scholars of horror, comics studies, and American history. It is suitably accessible to be used in undergraduate classes.

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Julie Thorpe

von Schönerer (1842–1921), was the first major Anglophone study of right-wing nationalism in the empire.1 Other studies of the Austrian Nazi movement followed, notably Bruce Pauley’s 1981 publication, Hitler and the Forgotten Nazis, which along with Whiteside is routinely cited in comparative studies of European fascism.2 Austria’s interwar foreign relations, and the Austro-German agreement of July 1936 in particular, is another subject that has preoccupied historians for decades.3 My book draws on these existing studies of the domestic and international factors that

in Pan-Germanism and the Austrofascist state, 1933–38
Matt Treacy

2 The ideology of traditional republicanism The general view of the republican movement in the 1940s and 1950s, including that of former Chief of Staff Seán Cronin, was that it was imbued with a deeply conservative ideology.1 It has been argued that the movement was reactionary, and had more in common with European fascism than it did with the leftist image of the movement in the 1930s, although the prominence of socialist ideas projected through An Phoblacht under the editorship of Peadar O’Donnell and Frank Ryan did not necessarily reflect the republican

in The IRA 1956–69
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Julie Thorpe

:27:32 PM  233 that Austria’s ‘geographic position exposed it to the crosscurrents of both Italian and German forms of fascism and made Austria a kind of microcosm of European fascism’.1 If indeed it was a ‘microcosm’ of fascism precisely due to the impact of both Italian and German fascism on the country’s leaders and public institutions, then the Austrian regime was hardly in the shadow of fascism. Rather, it was directly placed within a larger process of fascistization sweeping across Europe in the interwar years. My case studies of Austria’s press and

in Pan-Germanism and the Austrofascist state, 1933–38