Jarle Trondal, Martin Marcussen, Torbjörn Larsson, and Frode Veggeland
3436 Unpacking international organisations:2833Prelims
The Commission systematically excludes territorial preferences,
institutions and concerns from its agenda-setting processes. Departmental, supranational and epistemic behavioural dynamics are likely to
reflect the organisational components of the Commission services. This
chapter introduces the Commission organisation and personnel. As will
be shown in Chapters 6 to 9, the Commission is indeed a compound
system of international bureaucracy, balancing
Dominant visions have tended towards imagining Europe as an object - an entity of one sort or another. This book explores the different spaces of Europe/European Union (EU). The first part of the book presents research critically examining actor practices within familiar spaces of action - the European Parliament and the European Commission. It makes the case for the salience of research which distinguishes between spaces of 'frontstage' and 'backstage' politics and shows the interactions between the two. One cannot understand how EU gender mainstreaming policy really works unless one engages with the processes and actors involved. The second part presents research showing how, through their political work, a range of individuals and groups have sought to reconcile Europe with social representations of their industry or their nation to bring about change. It presents a case study of impact assessment of flatfish stocks in the North Sea, and contributes to the cross-fertilisation of Science and Technology Studies with a political sociology of the EU. The book shows how actors are pursuing regional interests, and the work they do in referencing Europe promotes agendas in the 'home' contexts of Scotland and canton Zurich. The final part of the book explores practices of EU government which either have been under-explored hitherto or are newly emerging. These are the knowledge work of a European consultant; measurement work to define and create a European education policy space; collective private action to give social meaning to sustainable Europe.
(sanctions, funding, declarations and
military and humanitarian interventions, in relation to human rights and democracy) between 1999
and 2007 towards the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. I did not find any patterns that could
fully explain the EU’s action or inaction: not a country’s size, nor its former
colonial masters, its natural resources, the Member State presiding over the EU, nor even the
African target country’s human rights or humanitarian situation. After a stint at the
EuropeanCommission’s Directorate General of External Affairs, I also
that are trustworthy from those that are not. Education strategies will play a crucial role in
the global response to disinformation. Legislators in California are currently considering a
bill that would embed more media literacy into the curriculum as well as provide media-literacy
training for teachers ( California News Publishers
Association, 2018 ). Meanwhile, the EuropeanCommission’s High Level Group for
misinformation and fake news has made a key recommendation that member countries ‘promote
media and information literacy to counter
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
), Evaluation of the EuropeanCommission’s Interventions in the Humanitarian Health Sector, 2014–2016 .
Final Report, EuropeanCommission
September 2017 .
. ( 2015 ), FAO in South Sudan: Emergency Livelihood Response Programme – A Review of 2015 and Planning for 2016 .
Food and Agriculture Organization : Rome .
. ( 2016 ), Evaluation of FAO’s Contribution in South Sudan .
Office of Evaluation, Country Programme Evaluation Series, Food and Agriculture Organization : Rome .
. ( 2016 ), Global Humanitarian Assistance Report
The European Commission had become one of the more contentious actors during both Irish referenda on the Lisbon Treaty. This book discusses the role of the European Commission and institutions more generally, as well as the policy area of justice and home affairs. It argues that it is important to evaluate the role of EU institutions for the process of European integration. The book suggests a reconceptualisation of the framework of supranational policy entrepreneurs (SPEs), which is often referred to by the academic literature that discusses the role of agency in European integration. It focuses on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at the policy and treaty levels; primarily on four grounds: academic literature, SPE behaviour, EU's policymaking, and the interplay between treaty negotiations and policy-making. To analyse the role of the European institutions, the book combines an analysis of the Lisbon Treaty in relation to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice with an analysis of the policy-making in the same area. The public policy model by John Kingdon with constructivist international relations literature is also outlined. The external dimension of counter-terrorism in the EU; the role of the EU institutions in EU asylum and migration; and the role of he Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is discussed. The book also analyses the role of the EU institutions in the communitarisation of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, and thus subsequently in the Lisbon Treaty.
This book explains how the relationship between the European Union (EU) and Africa has evolved in the first decade of the twenty-first century. For this, it treats the EU as a 'bilateral donor', focusing in particular on the new partnership agreement between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. It also treats the EU as a 'collective actor', paying special attention to the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES) and a number of EU policies that affect African development beyond aid. The book first sketches the evolution of EU–Africa relations, between the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement in June 2000 and the third Africa–EU Summit held in Tripoli in November 2010. The evolution of EU-Africa relations should be set against two tracks. The first track concerns the programme managed by the European Commission. In this case, the most important change is certainly the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement, which marked a fundamental departure from the principles of the long-standing Lomé Convention. The second track concerns the attempt to create a continent-wide policy towards Africa, under the slogan 'one Europe, one Africa', which started with the first Africa–EU Summit held in Cairo in April 2000. The book also presents some contending explanations, drawing on studies of EU external relations as well as offering a perspective of Africa. It examines a number of policy areas, ranging from more established areas of cooperation to new areas of concern, such as migration, energy, climate change and social policies.
) political identities in particular. European identity may be viewed as one such example, promoting the endorsement of pre-existing and often clashing political and cultural aspects of
national identities (see, for example Beck and Grande, 2007; EuropeanCommission, 1973). Furthermore, certain elements of national identities –
such as a sense of belonging to the nation state and to Europe – are expected
to be sustained, while others are disputed, especially the perception of the
non-national European ‘other’ (Siklodi, 2015a).
Concepts and frameworks
divided into three sections. Firstly, it provides a
concise discussion of the global agenda on aid effectiveness, focusing on
the tensions between coordination and ownership. Secondly, it analyses
the supranational programme managed by the EuropeanCommission
within the context of the Cotonou Agreement, paying attention to the
degree of involvement of African (both state and non-state) actors in the
negotiations of two series of multi-annual development strategies (for
2002–07 and for 2008–13). Thirdly, it explores the EU as a collective
donor, focusing on the efforts
Later sections explore the sometimes polemical process by which Basque and
other autonomous communities gained a role in EuropeanCommission advisory committees, the Spanish Permanent Representation to the EU and state
delegations to the EU’s Council.
The Committee of the Regions
The decision, made during Maastricht Treaty negotiations, to create a
specialised Committee of the Regions responded to both technical and political rationales (Millan 1997; Jeffery 1995 and 2002: 328–31; Calonge and Sanz
2000: 30–42). On the one hand, the EuropeanCommission