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The possibility of a pan-European approach

Can Russia, the European Union and the three major EU member states adopt a unified policy line in the global arena? This book investigates the cohesiveness of ‘greater Europe’ through the detailed scrutiny of policy statements by the leadership elites in the UK, France, Germany, Russia and the EU in connection with three defining events in international security. The crisis in Kosovo of 1999; the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the Iraq crisis of 2003. This extensive empirical enquiry results in a critical constructivist response to neorealist understandings of European security. The book contrasts the EU's new way of ‘doing security’ with the established, competitive bilateral interplay in the European security sphere and provides a clue to the kind of security politics that will prevail in Europe. A joint Moscow Brussels approach would improve the chances of both increasing their relative strength vis-a-vis the USA, but serious cleavages threaten to undermine such a ‘greater European’ common view on security. The book considers the extent to which the major European players pursue similar objectives, and assesses the possible implications for and the chances of greater Europe emerging as a cohesive global actor.

The defense policies of new NATO and EU member states

This book blends analysis of Eastern European security needs, foreign threats, domestic political events, and public opinion, in theoretical ways to understand how they lead to future defense postures and commitments for each country in the region. How has NATO and EU membership improved their overall regional defense protection, and what ingredients are still missing for them on an individual state basis? Separate chapters treat clusters of states that make up the various regions of Eastern Europe. For example, the three threatened Baltic states in the north will receive careful analysis. Second, the complex array of states in the Balkan area of Southeastern Europe merit examination, for their security conditions have been quite varied and diverse. For some, NATO and EU membership has become a reality, and for others that possibility does not yet exist. Third, three of the four geographically central states were the ones that first gained full membership in NATO at the earliest possible moment in 1999. At present, Poland in the north has perceived clear threats from Russia since 2014, while the three other East-Central European states possess greater sense of security.

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Angela K. Bourne

INTRODUCTION By accident and by design, the European Union (EU) has touched nationalist politics in many parts of Europe. After nationalist excesses of World War Two, the founding organisation of today’s EU, the European Coal and Steel Community, sought to make war between France and Germany ‘not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible’. The market integration policies of the European Economic Community helped break down economic and physical barriers between states, including those dividing national communities which straddled state borders. Enlargement

in The European Union and the accommodation of Basque difference in Spain
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David Brown

battle for the stability of that state.8 While that campaign has, once again, demonstrated the difficulties of ‘waging war by committee’, given the limitations placed on action by a proliferation of national caveats, NATO has secured for itself a breathing space from the continued questioning of its relevance, which has been an almost permanent feature of the post Cold War debate. The European Union (EU) – the focus of this analysis – is no exception to this general rule. Reacting relatively quickly to the events in the US, the EU moved to create a collective

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007
Open Access (free)
Richard Parrish

Introduction Sports Law and Policy in the European Union is a deliberately provocative title. It is not widely accepted that a discrete body of sports law has emerged or is emerging within the European Union (EU) or within national jurisdictions. Furthermore, given that the EU has no legal competence to develop a sports policy, one might ask (as I was by an eminent ‘sport and the law’ lawyer), ‘what the bloody hell has the Common Market got to do with sport?’ Browsing through the list of EU activities contained in Article 3 of the EU’s Treaty, it is clear that

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
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Simon Bulmer and Martin Burch

9780719055157_4_001.qxd 20/3/09 12:06 PM Page 1 1 Setting the scene The United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union (EU) has been complex and troublesome. The relationship itself is multifaceted: open to historical, political, economic and legal analysis. A comprehensive examination of the political relationship alone would need to take into account the interaction between the EU and British political forces, the system of government and public policy. Our study is rather more restricted, though of key importance to the political relationship. It

in The Europeanisation of Whitehall
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Pagnol’s legacy
Brett Bowles

intensifying globalisation and the creation of a supranational European Union (EU). The years 1992–94 marked the conclusion of the Uruguay round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations, which included the creation of the World Trade Organization and dealt a serious blow to French economic protectionism, exposing French business to international competition more fully than any time since the Second World War and sparking widespread

in Marcel Pagnol
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Modernity, welfare state and Eutopia
Shivdeep Grewal

, precludes a straightforward approach of this type. If it is to do justice to its subject matter, such a work must also consider the ways in which Habermas’s political writings have modified , albeit subtly, his social and legal-democratic theory, yielding in the process a distinctive conception of the European Union (EU). The aim of this study is the delineation of this conception, its application and critique. This avenue of research has antecedents. A decade ago, Bellamy and Castiglione ( 2000b ) wrote of a conceptual shift in

in Habermas and European integration
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Paul Flenley and Michael Mannin

Paul Flenley and Michael Mannin Introduction The publication of this volume comes at a time of existential crisis for the European Union (EU). Internally it is faced by the Eurozone crisis, the rise of anti-EU populism and ‘Brexit’. In its immediate neighbourhood it is confronted by a range of challenges and threats. The Arab revolutions have not turned into the hoped-for promise of democratisation and have instead degenerated into civil war in the case of Libya, Syria and Yemen. The direct impact of this on the EU is illustrated by the migration crisis which

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
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John Goff
Shivdeep Grewal

integration furthers the project of modernity or not – one must attempt also to answer the prior questions as to the ‘purpose’ and mode of ‘being’ (or ‘nature’) of the European Union. EU: ‘end’ or ‘means’? Some leverage on the question of what the European Union is may be obtained by drawing a distinction between ends and means. Is the EU an end or a means? If this question could be decided, then this would go some way towards answering the question as to what the EU is for , and whether integration is required to

in Habermas and European integration