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The ambitions of this book are twofold, one fraternal and one methodological. It shows that the realist tradition is alive and well in Europe, by presenting a sample of European scholars working under the realist paradigm - including Russia. Introducing neoclassical realism to a European academic audience poses a particular challenge. For Europeans, the American discourse of 'bringing intervening variables back in' sounds curious. In sum, the American approach privileges neorealism at the expense of classical realism. In the United States, neoclassical realism is essentially a research programme aimed at explaining how states filter systemic factors through domestic structures, thus explaining foreign policy output on the basis of both systemic and domestic variables. Neoclassical realism, as it stands, is thus some sort of 'neorealism + domestic variables'. It is an attempt to respond to the shortfalls of structural realism by (re)incorporating variables located within the famous 'black box'. Domestic factors are yet clearly relegated to second-order status, as they play the role of intervening variables in the so-called missing link between power resources and foreign policy output. American ontological approaches and methodological preferences give neoclassical realist literature a decidedly scientific rationalism, grounded in material factors. In Europe, however, the English school and constructivist approaches have emphasized the non-material aspects of international relations, factors that were taken seriously by classical realist authors but which became a victim to the attempt to 'scientize' the discipline. Neorealist approaches see the structure of the international system as the driving force behind changes in European politics.
European political thrillers of the 1970s. This is variously through the way they construct their narratives, engage with contemporary and historical political situations and use well-known performers as a way of attracting audiences. In these ways, it is possible to identify how they operate in a tradition of making commercially orientated political cinema. These films exist across the world in a wide
A perfect companion to European politics today, written by the same authors, this book presents past events, prominent personalities, important dates, organisations and electoral information in an accessible, easy-to-read format. The book is split into five sections for ease of use: a dictionary of significant political events, a chronology of major events in Europe since 1945, a biographical dictionary, a dictionary of political organisations and electoral data. In addition to being a comprehensive reference tool, this book is intended to provide a sound historical background to the development of Western European politics.
Migrant geographies and European politics of irregular migration Globalisation is frequently thought to cause an unbounded movement of capital, people, information, culture and goods. However, there is an often neglected flip side to this globalised mobility: the increased international collaboration on border controls aimed at restricting the movements of people who have been forced to migrate because of war, destitution, persecution or environmental reasons. This securitisation of borders constructs categories of included and excluded populations; and the
. A significant lacuna in discussion of the EU external relations is any serious consideration of these from a non-European perspective. (Moxon-Browne 2015 : 276) Therefore I argue that there is a need to define the role and limits of multilateralism (Álvarez 2000 ), taking into account different perceptions of the process beyond Latin American or European “eyes”. The chapter divides into three sections which study the European political dialogue from
This book seeks to review the state of political issues early in the twenty-first century, when New Labour is in its second term of office. As part of the updating process it became necessary to choose which political issues are important. The book includes the main issues which appear in current Advanced Level Politics syllabuses. In the case of Edexcel, which offers a specific political issues option in its A2 specification, all the specified issues have been included. The book deals with the process of constitutional and political change which are issues in themselves. It also includes material on constitutional reform (incorporating the recent development of human rights in Britain), and devolution. The book includes the global recession and other recent political developments and looks at the important issues in British politics since 1945. It examines the key issues of British politics today: economic policy, the Welfare State, law and order, environment policy, Northern Ireland, issues concerning women, European integration and the European Union, and the impact of the European Union on Britain. The book also deals with the European Union and Britain's relationship to it. Finally, it must be emphasised that Britain's relationship to the European Union is in itself a political issue which has fundamentally changed the party system.
influence events. Again, neoclassical realism offers new vantage points from which to view institutions, not least with respect to institutional dynamics, potential and limits. Third, and closely related to the preceding issues, debates about neoclassical realism are inseparable from questions regarding the relative roles of structures and agents. Neorealist approaches see the structure of the international system as the driving force behind changes in European politics. Writers in the classical tradition view national interest as a constraint on member states, locking
Nationalism has reasserted itself today as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Brexit, in the course of generating a historically unique standard of sociopolitical uncertainty and constitutional intrigue, tore apart the two-party compact that had defined the parameters of political contestation for much of twentieth-century Britain. This book offers a wide-ranging picture of the different theoretical accounts relevant to addressing nationalism. It briefly repudiates the increasingly common attempts to read contemporary politics through the lens of populism. The book explores the assertion of 'muscular liberalism' and civic nationalism. It examines more traditional, conservative appeals to racialised notions of blood, territory, purity and tradition as a means of reclaiming the nation. The book also examines how neoliberalism, through its recourse to discourses of meritocracy, entrepreneurial self and individual will, alongside its exaltation of a 'points-system' approach to the ills of immigration, engineers its own unique rendition of the nationalist crisis. There are a number of important themes through which the process of liberal nationalism can be documented - what Arun Kundnani captured, simply and concisely, as the entrenchment of 'values racism'. These include the 'faux-feminist' demonisation of Muslims.
people crossing the Med. Caroline Abu Sa’Da is General Director of its Swiss branch. Juliano Fiori: SOS is very much a product of contemporary Europe. It’s a civic response to refugees and migrants in the Med but also to nationalistic politics, or to the return of nationalist movements to the forefront of European politics. How, then, does SOS differ from European humanitarian NGOs founded in past decades? Caroline Abu Sa’Da: SOS is a European citizen movement. Besides our search-and-rescue activities, we aim to give to the greatest number of
Ukrainian Minister of Defence, Oleksii Reznikov, had declared that a ‘major war in Ukraine’ would lead to three to five million Ukrainian refugees ( Reznikov, 2021 ). This prediction was part of Reznikov’s warning that a war in Ukraine ‘would plunge the whole of Europe into crisis’ and his attempt to raise support among European political leaders in the face of the Russian threats. Without referring to Reznikov’s prediction, the Biden administration announced at the beginning of February 2022 that a Russian