Manchester and the rescue of the victims of European fascism, 1933–1940
Author: Bill Williams

Between 1933 and 1940, Manchester received between seven and eight thousand refugees from Fascist Europe. They included Jewish academics expelled from universities in Germany, Austria, Spain and Italy. Around two hundred were children from the Basque country of Spain evacuated to Britain on a temporary basis in 1937 as the fighting of the Spanish Civil War neared their home towns. Most were refugees fleeing Nazi persecution in Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia. As much as 95% of the refugees from Nazism were Jews threatened by the increasingly violent anti-Semitism of the Nazi regime. The rest were Communists, Social Democrats, Pacifists, Liberals, Confessional Christians and Sudeten Germans. There have been several valuable studies of the response of the British government to the refugee crisis. This study seeks to assess the responses in one city—Manchester—which had long cultivated an image of itself as a ‘liberal city’. Using documentary and oral sources, including interviews with Manchester refugees, it explores the work of those sectors of local society that took part in the work of rescue: Jewish communal organisations, the Society of Friends, the Rotarians, the University of Manchester, secondary schools in and around Manchester, pacifist bodies, the Roman Catholic Church and industrialists from the Manchester region. The book considers the reasons for their choices to help to assesses their degree of success and the forces which limited their effectiveness.

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Jewish refugees in Manchester
Bill Williams

through the barbed wire of British aliens legislation. Ultimately, that is, would-be refugees from Fascist Europe were dependent on the active goodwill of British people and institutions, including those of Manchester. In January 1939 the Manchester and Salford Woman Citizen, the organ of the Manchester branch of the Association of Women Citizens, provocatively entitled ‘Seasonal Illwill’, raised the issue of whether in Manchester there existed the degree of sympathy ‘for human suffering in any part of the world’ which would engender practical aid for the Jewish victims

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Julie Thorpe

” ’, in Ernst Bruckmüller, et al. (eds), Bürgertum in der Habsburgermonarchie (Vienna: Böhlau, 1990), pp. 275–98. 23 On Czechoslovakia, for example, see the contributions in Mark Cornwall and R.J.W. Evans (eds), Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and Fascist Europe 1918–1948 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). 24 Whiteside originally took the term ‘Pan-Germans’ from the translation of Alldeutsche (All-Germans), but also used the term in reference to the radical Young Liberals (Jungliberale) who supported Schönerer. See Whiteside, ‘The Germans as an Integrative Force

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Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

persecuted by local nationalists before being hunted down by Nazis. It was, in part, because Arendt was exercised by the plight of Jews in Europe, that she supported attempts to build a Jewish democratic state in Palestine. On the role of nationalists in murdering Jews, see Snyder, Black Earth and Aristotle Kallis, Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in Fascist Europe (Abingdon: Ashgate, 2009

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Caesar at the millennium
Andrew James Hartley

likely to endure, as, I suspect, is our interest in news media and how that citizenry is enlisted in political struggle. I doubt we have seen the end of productions which set the play in a resonant historical past such as Fascist Europe, but as such periods become more remote we will see more and more productions seeking more recent or contemporary analogues as a way of focusing the play’s political specificity

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Emma Louise Briant

the air, every ship that sails the sea, every battle that is fought, does affect the American future’ (Roosevelt, 1939; emphasis 18 Propaganda and counter-terrorism added). Once France fell, Britain was the only remaining democracy between Germany and the US. America was divided between isolationists and interventionists who feared German invasion (or coexistence with a fascist European bloc). Economic fears remained, so despite a Foreign Relations Committee dominated by isolationists, Roosevelt established a compromise through which the US could be seen as

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The 1916 Central Asian uprising in the context of wars and revolutions (1914–1923)
Niccolò Pianciola

”, Terrorism and Political Violence 24/​4 (2012), 661; Stathis N. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 6 The term is common in the historiography on modern genocides. See, for example, Aristotle Kallis, Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in Fascist Europe (London: Routledge, 2008). 7 Hans-​Lukas Kieser and Donald Bloxham, “Genocide”, in Jay Winter (ed.), The Cambridge History of the First World War: Vol. II: The State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 596. 8 Robert Gerwarth and John Horne

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Jonathan Dunnage

fascist regime to create a new police organisation which fascist Europe (‘l’Europa rinnovata’) was beginning to use as a model.36 Dunnage, Mussolini's policemen.indd 144 22/08/2012 13:25:12 Personal profiles 145 Santoro presents the biography of a talented police professional who distinguished himself as a servant of the fascist state. By all accounts, he was a genuine fascist believer, but even if he was not, the documentation available shows how, in encouraging Salazar’s regime to inject fascist ideology into the Portuguese police, he was instrumental in

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Lights, camera and … ‘Ethical’ rule!
Susie Protschky

representations of electricity in the Dutch colonial world reveal the cultural associations between monarchy and empire that developed during the early twentieth century. Photographs of electric illuminations at celebrations for the royal House of Orange suggest that the iconography of modernity was not, contrary to David Cannadine's assertions, exclusively associated with fascist Europe between the 1920s and 1940s. Liberal imperialist nations such as the Netherlands also exploited the spectacularity of electricity, both to uphold their authoritarian colonial regimes abroad

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Lez Cooke

Wilson’s novel was ambitious: a futuristic plot (written at the end of the 1950s but set in the 1970s) about an isolated Britain facing a nuclear conflict with a fascist European state. Wilson set his novel within the enclosed world of London Zoo, which he used as a metaphor for the antagonisms, rivalries and political manoeuvring taking place in the wider world: Fictional dystopias, it is often said, reflect the age in which the author is writing rather than the future in which the book is set. Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four is really about 1948. And Angus Wilson’s The

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