Smooth adaptation to European values and institutions
Finland: smooth adaptation to
European values and institutions
Introduction: EU membership as the beginning of a new political era
Finland joined the European Union together with Austria and Sweden at
the beginning of 1995. At first glance, Finnish membership might appear as
a rapid change of political orientation, given the inflexible policy of
neutrality the country conducted until the early 1990s. In spite of the
brevity of national adaptation and consideration, the decision to follow
4 Social and constitutional integration in
Finland and France
Brought up in the school of François Mitterrand, [French Commissioner
Edith Cresson] considers it normal to surround herself with a clique of close
friends. (Denetz et al. 1999, 94)
European integration has numerous effects on key national institutions, national
constitutions and national political personnel in all European Union memberstates. As in any other Western society, in France the limits between politics,
economics and administration are not always clear. In contrast to most Western
6 European Parliament elections in Finland
and France in 1999
The existence and legitimacy of the European Parliament has not yet
become accepted in national political life. (Socialist politician Pervenche
Berés, quoted in Beauvallet 1998, 93)
The establishment of elections to the European Parliament, a supranational
political institution integrated into domestic political fields of member-states,
has contributed to the political mobilisation of traditionally voiceless groups
(such as the unemployed) and to the introduction of new issues tied to 'Europe'
‘In greater nations, where large numbers of people create complicated social situations, where one can find plenty of riches, a lot of suffering, and high intelligence but also many degenerated individuals, the battle against self-murder can at times seem hopeless, and the onlooker is lead to believe it's all caused by grim determinism’.
This is how the Finnish physician Fredrik Wilhelm Westerlund (1844–1921) summarised the late nineteenth-century suicide discourse in April 1897. Observing
Suspicions of witchcraft in Finland
did not die out with the witch trials. 1 Traditional forms of magic and sorcery 2 continued to be not only suspected, but also
practised in the Finnish countryside some two hundred years after the last
witchcraft prosecutions in Finland, if we are to believe dozens of
eyewitness accounts from farmers and labourers in the early twentieth
century. 3 Although
authoritative source for explaining the 1994 genocide of the Tutsi and to a lesser extent violence perpetrated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). The book also became the basis for numerous prosecutions of accused genocide perpetrators. Even before publication of the text, Des Forges worked closely with prosecutors at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and after its publication, the book became the basis for numerous cases in Arusha. Leave None to Tell also has served as the basis for prosecutions in Canada, Belgium, France, Sweden, Finland and the
their DPRK work. The channel collapsed in 2017 and no replacement has been put in place.
The key banking issue raised by interviewees was blocked transfers. Another theme was having to carry large amounts of cash into the country, which has been echoed in other sources ( Rohrlich, 2018 ). The impact of secondary sanctions was made clear in spring 2019, when Finnish NGO Fida withdrew from the DPRK after nearly twenty years of engagement in the agriculture and health sectors. Fida’s announcement of the decision named OFAC sanctions as one of the problems ( UPI, 2019
The study of witchcraft accusations in Europe during the period after the end of the witch trials is still in its infancy. Witches were scratched in England, swum in Germany, beaten in the Netherlands and shot in France. The continued widespread belief in witchcraft and magic in nineteenth- and twentieth-century France has received considerable academic attention. The book discusses the extent and nature of witchcraft accusations in the period and provides a general survey of the published work on the subject for an English audience. It explores the presence of magical elements in everyday life during the modern period in Spain. The book provides a general overview of vernacular magical beliefs and practices in Italy from the time of unification to the present, with particular attention to how these traditions have been studied. By functioning as mechanisms of social ethos and control, narratives of magical harm were assured a place at the very heart of rural Finnish social dynamics into the twentieth century. The book draws upon over 300 narratives recorded in rural Finland in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that provide information concerning the social relations, tensions and strategies that framed sorcery and the counter-magic employed against it. It is concerned with a special form of witchcraft that is practised only amongst Hungarians living in Transylvania.
This book looks at aspects of the continuation of witchcraft and magic in Europe from the last of the secular and ecclesiastical trials during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, through to the nineteenth century. It provides a brief outline of witch trials in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Finland. By the second half of the seventeenth century, as the witch trials reached their climax in Sweden, belief in the interventionist powers of the Devil had become a major preoccupation of the educated classes. Having acknowledged the slight possibility of real possession by the Devil, Benito Feijoo threw himself wholeheartedly into his real objective: to expose the falseness of the majority of the possessed. The book is concerned with accusations of magic, which were formalised as denunciations heard by the Inquisition of the Archdiocese of Capua, a city twelve miles north of Naples, during the first half of the eighteenth century. One aspect of the study of witchcraft and magic, which has not yet been absorbed into the main stream of literature on the subject, is the archaeological record of the subject. As a part of the increasing interest in 'popular' culture, historians have become more conscious of the presence of witchcraft after the witch trials. The aftermath of the major witch trials in Dalarna, Sweden, demonstrates how the authorities began the awkward process of divorcing themselves from popular concerns and beliefs regarding witchcraft.
This book analyses the contemporary politics of the nation states of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden and the Home Rule territories of Greenland, Faeroes and Åland that together make up the Nordic region. It covers Scandinavia past and present, parties in developmental perspective, the Scandinavian party system model, the Nordic model of government, the Nordic welfare model, legislative-executive relations in the region, and the changing security environment. The Nordic states have a shared history, common linguistic bonds and a common state Lutheran religion. Of the six Scandinavian languages, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish are mutually intelligible, whilst Swedish is an official national language in Finland. Turning to a brief overview of nation-building and state-building in the Nordic region, an obvious distinction can be drawn between those 'stateless nations' which went on to achieve statehood and the territories that have not achieved independence. The book presents a brief chronology of events in Norden up to 1922, when Åland achieved autonomy. In Sweden the historic phase of party-building produced a basic two-plus-three configuration and a party system based on five 'isms': communism, social democracy, agrarianism, liberalism and conservatism. By 1930 there was a bifurcated parliamentary left and a fragmented nonsocialist bloc consisting of essentially town-based Liberal and Conservative parties and a farmer-based Agrarian Party. Whilst acknowledging the limitations inherent in the periodisation of party system change, the book focuses on the extent of party system change since the 'earthquake elections' of 1970-73.