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Foreign aid, donor coordination and recipient ownership 7 Foreign aid, donor coordination and recipient ownership in EU–Africa relations Maurizio Carbone The first decade of the 2000s was characterised by a number of important changes in the foreign aid policy of the European Union (EU). The new century started with the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement in June 2000 (European Union, 2000), which introduced a radical overhaul of the aid pillar in the long-standing partnership between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries. The
In the twenty years after Ireland joined the UN in 1955, one subject dominated its fortunes: Africa. The first detailed study of Ireland's relationship with that continent, this book documents its special place in Irish history. It describes the missionaries, aid workers, diplomats, peacekeepers, and anti-apartheid protesters at the heart of Irish popular understanding of the developing world. It chronicles Africa's influence on Irish foreign policy, from decolonisation and the end of empire, to apartheid and the rise of foreign aid. Adopting a fresh, and strongly comparative approach, this book shows how small and middling powers like Ireland, Canada, the Netherlands and the Nordic states used Africa to shape their position in the international system, and how their influence waned with the rise of the Afro-Asian bloc. O’Sullivan details the link between African decolonisation and Ireland's self-defined post-colonial identity: at the UN, in the Congo, South Africa, Rhodesia, and Biafra – even in remote mission stations in rural Africa. When growing African radicalism made that role difficult to sustain, this book describes how missionaries, NGOs, and anti-apartheid campaigners helped to re-invent the Irish government's position, to become the ‘moral conscience’ of the EC. Offering a fascinating account of small state diplomacy and identity in a vital period for the Cold War, and a unique perspective on African decolonisation, this book provides essential insight for scholars of Irish history, African history, international relations, and the history of NGOs, as well as anyone interested in why Africa holds such an important place in the Irish public imagination.
organizations’ legitimacy, and gave strength and knowledge to international advocacy and diplomacy. The massive success of the early 1980s aid campaigns to alleviate famine in Ethiopia, and to aid refugees from dictatorships in Latin America, gave a new impetus to the creation of public institutions that would sustain the popular appeal for development aid between times of emergencies ( Ermisch, 2015 ; Hutchinson, 1997 ). Among CIDA officials, efforts to ‘insert foreign aid into the collective consciousness of Canada’ ( Cogan, 2018 : 177) were also, and more immediately
community interventions it commends. These are scaling up an integrated approach to mental health and social care across services – an output under pathway four – combined with the utilisation of community-based and empowering participatory approaches, as delineated in critical care pathway two (respect for human rights). Following the government’s recent volte face on its foreign aid spending commitment of £15bn (reduced to £10bn), regrettably the UK’s global
. Hattori , T. ( 2003 ), ‘ The Moral Politics of Foreign Aid’ , Review of International Studies , 29 : 2 , 229 – 47 . Hosein , G. and Nyst , C. ( 2013 ), ‘ Aiding Surveillance: An Exploration of How Development and Humanitarian Aid Initiatives Are Enabling Surveillance
patients suffering from minor illnesses, were spreading rumours about foreign aid workers stealing organs; and that even people clearly suffering from Ebola could pay to avoid referral to a centre. Political tensions around the epidemic were also rising, impacting the response efforts. On 26 December 2018 the Congolese President Joseph Kabila announced the suspension of presidential elections in Beni and Butembo, citing the risk of Ebola transmission
of efforts to contain communism. In America’s pursuit of these ‘nation-building’ and similar political development objectives the primary instrument was foreign aid, non-military as well as military. This study explores Washington’s use of foreign aid as an instrument of security policy in the Cold War. Specifically, it explores the central place of nation-building objectives in Washington’s containment efforts in the developing world in the period 1953–68, a period in which American policy-makers came to perceive a clear link between security and stability in the
8 ‘If we’re Christians at all’ Irish foreign aid The radical hue that the events of 1968 brought to the anti-apartheid campaign was matched by considerable change in the field of foreign aid. Biafra was at its heart. From the images of starving refugees that appeared on television screens in June of that year to the collapse of the rebel regime eighteen months later, the crisis fundamentally altered the West’s relationship with the developing world. It catapulted NGOs to prominence in the field of disaster relief. It prompted international agencies, including the
better than in most other countries. In terms of defining and responding to new policy challenges – if not always in resourcing them – Britain is second only to the US (and occasionally ahead of it) in developing national cyber-security, combating terrorism at home, using its considerable intelligence assets, adapting civil technologies to the pursuit of C4ISTAR systems, tracking serious and organised crime, and developing ‘smart’ foreign aid policy to achieve best political effect. Partner countries across the
Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, to set up a new Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid, comprised of outstanding citizens. Meant to tie together the governmental and private programs in the field of foreign relief, it was to coordinate its work with the Famine Emergency Committee and other interested agencies. 134 A short time later, the Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid (ACVFA) was formally