The transition to democracy that followed the death of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco in 1975 was once hailed as a model of political transformation. But since the 2008 financial crisis it has come under intense scrutiny. Today, a growing divide exists between advocates of the Transition and those who see it as the source of Spain’s current socio-political bankruptcy. This book revisits the crucial period from 1962 to 1992, exposing the networks of art, media and power that drove the Transition and continue to underpin Spanish politics in the present. Drawing on rare archival materials and over 300 interviews with politicians, artists, journalists and ordinary Spaniards, including former Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez (1982–96), Following Franco unlocks the complex and often contradictory narratives surrounding the foundation of contemporary Spain.
Writing violence, security and the geopolitical imaginary
Franco-African security relations at fifty:
writing violence, security and the
Violence was intimately linked to colonisation and colonial violence was, in
turn, informed and justified by multiple logics. As a practice, it sought, in various ways, to enforce or impose particular dynamics of inclusion and exclusion.
As Martin Thomas (2011: xii) writes, the ‘organisational cultures of France’s
colonial security forces … often acted as a barrier to reflective engagement
with colonial people’. The post-Second World War
of a certain
historical context which, despite the vastly different reality of
contemporary Spain, has left its mark on Spanish cultural production and
reception and ensures a continuing association between the sexual and
Francoism, let us recall, operated on the basis of highly
traditional and retrograde concepts of gender and sexuality. This led to
La caza/The Hunt and El jardín de las delicias/The Garden of
One couldn’t talk about the Spanish Civil War when Franco was alive. Well you could talk about it, but only from the fascists’ point of view, not from the Republicans’. A lot of young film directors and writers wanted to show the other side of the civil war and also the Spanish reality of the forties and fifties, but censorship was very strong and we had no freedom of expression whatsoever. So in order to make a film like The Hunt, when you are faced with censorship and a very repressive system, you are using your intelligence, going around things
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of
exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered
that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime:
the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was
begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time
the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the
Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create
a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the
remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.
This article uses Franco Moretti‘s interpretation of Frankenstein and Dracula (Signs Taken For Wonders, 1988) to interrogate Dennis Potter‘s final television play, Cold Lazarus (1996). The critical approach, following Moretti‘s example, is generic, Freudian and Marxist. By identifying the conventions of Gothic drama in Potter‘s play, it claims, firstly, that Cold Lazarus dramatizes deep-seated psychic neuroses; and secondly, alerts its viewers to contemporary cultural anxieties about individual autonomy and the exploitative nature of capitalist enterprise. The argument challenges the predominantly negative reception of Cold Lazarus when first screened in 1994 and aims to defend this play as a fine example of televisual Gothic drama.
This article argues that the allegorical interpretations of the Gothic sublime made by materialist critics like Franco Moretti and Judith Halberstam unavoidably reduce Gothic excess and uncanniness to a realist understanding and, thereby, ironically de-materialize Gothic monstrosity by substituting for it a realistic meaning. This essay, instead, advocates a psychoanalytic critical reception that demonstrates how the essential uncanniness of the Gothic novel makes all realistic interpretation falter. Rather than interpreting Frankensteins creature as a condensed figure for proletarian formation or Dracula as an allegory for xenophobia, for instance, this article insists that the Gothic uncanny should be understood as figuring that which can only be viewed figuratively, as figuring that which has no space within a realistic understanding.
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
rise of mass military mobilisations ( Farré, 2014 ).
In the memory of the humanitarian movement, the Battle of Solferino stands as the
inaugural event leading to the adoption of the first diplomatic treaty with
humanitarian aims. A Franco-Sardinian coalition led by Napoleon III was fighting the
Austrian army led by Emperor Franz Joseph. It was outside Solferino, a small town in
northern Italy, that one of the bloodiest battles since the end of the Napoleonic
Wars was fought
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
also be expected to respect human
rights?’ But regardless of hypocrisy and selectivity, there was a general acceptance that
there existed this kind of order, in which the US broadly set the terms. At the ILO
[International Labour Organisation], the US refused to sign many of the conventions, but it
demanded that other countries sign. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this order
This was the world I encountered when I was appointed foreign minister for the first time, by
[Brazilian President] Itamar Franco, just after the Gulf
to beg for Emperor Louis Napoleon’s help in saving his colonial investments.
We can look at the use by German forces in the 1870 Franco-Prussian war of the Red Cross as a
bombing target, or the contrast between The Hague Conventions and the use of poison gas during
World War I, or prior to that the creation of a concentration camp system by the British in
South Africa. Indeed, we can go back to the famines the British at worst engineered, and at best
tolerated, in India, killing millions of people. Or the Germans and the Herero, or the Belgians