This book, written in honour of Mayke De Jong, offers twenty-five essays focused upon the importance of religion to Frankish politics. It deals with religious discourse and political polemic in studies that take up the themes of identity, and the creative deployment of the language of the Old Testament within Frankish society. The book explores how the use of ethnic rhetoric in a Christian context shaped medieval perceptions of community. It shows that the Carolingian way of dealing with the Adoptionist challenge was to allow a conversation between the Spanish bishops and their Frankish opponents to take place. Charlemagne's role in the Vita Alcuini as a guardian of orthodoxy who sought to settle a controversy by organising and supervising a theological debate was striking. The book also discusses the admonition of an abbot of Frankish origin who came from southern France and made his monastic career in southern Italy. It showcases three letter manuscripts that share certain features but are different in other aspects. The first manuscript is a collection of the Moral Letters from Seneca to his pupil Lucilius , Paris , BnF, lat. 8658A. The book demonstrates that the lists of amici, viventes et defuncti reflected how the royal monastery was interacting with ruling elites, at different levels, and how such interactions were an essential part of its identity. It also examines the context of Monte Cassino's fading into the background, in the conviction that both political and religious concerns were at play.
This book examines the history of monastic exemption in France. It maps an
institutional story of monastic freedom and protection, which is deeply rooted
in the religious, political, social, and legal culture of the early Middle Ages.
Traversing many geo-political boundaries and fields of historical
specialisation, this book evaluates the nature and extent of papal involvement
in French monasteries between the sixth and eleventh centuries. Defining the
meaning and value of exemption to medieval contemporaries during this era, it
demonstrates how the papacy’s commitment, cooperation, and intervention
transformed existing ecclesiastical and political structures. Charting the
elaboration of monastic exemption privileges from a marginalised to centralised
practice, this book asks why so many French monasteries were seeking exemption
privileges directly from Rome; what significance they held for monks, bishops,
secular rulers, and popes; how and why this practice developed throughout the
early Middle Ages; and, ultimately, what impact monastic exemption had on the
emerging identity of papal authority, the growth of early monasticism, Frankish
politics and governance, church reform, and canon law.
remains of debates and discussions
about the Frankishpolitical world which we can reconstruct only in part,
and in reading these texts it is important to listen to their silences and
note their emphases. The seemingly disinterested objectivity of the genre,
found over long stretches even of the Annals of Fulda (henceforth
AF ), whose authors were by no means dispassionate observers of
events, can be very deceptive
have wished to mention in his letter of 867 this dubious involvement of a pope in Frankishpolitics.
Another outcome of the second rebellion was to have long-term consequences for Hincmar. Archbishop Ebbo of Rheims was made a scapegoat for the penance that the bishops had imposed on Louis. He was forced to confess to a capital crime at the Council of Thionville in February 835 and resigned from his office of archbishop as ‘unworthy’. 24 The procedural complications and irregularities around his resignation or deposition, however, meant that his claim to the
of Northmen into Frankishpolitics. Roric, Scandinavian lord of Frisia and Christian convert, was among the viri illustres to whom Hincmar wrote letters urging his intervention in reconciling a dangerous dispute within the royal family: Charles’s daughter Judith, widowed in Wessex, had refused to settle for chaste incarceration, deciding instead on remarriage to Baldwin, a young noble on the make, and if necessary threatening to seek refuge with Roric. Hincmar displayed a strong professional interest in that affair for it went to the heart of politics at court
structure that we can see the political
uses of gold: tribute payments, gifts between kings, royal dowries and,
presumably, rewards for military commanders. These all are obviously
important, but exceptional, events in Frankishpolitical life. Silver
coins, on the other hand, could be used for smaller, more basic and more
normal transactions of a local and agricultural nature, as well as for
, Berchar and Raganfred. After Ebroin, the Frankishpolitical
centre of gravity would gradually abandon the Seine–Oise valley
for fresher lands to the east.
The LHF tells us little of
the events of the reign of Clothar III, for which we turn largely to the
Vita Balthildis . 8 When Clothar died in 673 the Neustrians installed his
brother, Theuderic, on the throne. For reasons which the author of the
FrankishPolitics and Carolingian Poetry (Oxford,
I omit discussions here of Old High German and
Old Saxon texts from the Carolingian period. The ninth-century
poetry is largely religious, with the exception of the
Hildebrandslied and Ludwigslied
experience in the West Frankishpolitical scene. He was not the only courtier who combined political experience with high ecclesiastical office. Hincmar was not archchancellor for Louis; the person who held that post was the abbot Gauzlin, continuing on from his appointment under Charles the Bald. Gauzlin was named in the Capitulary of Quierzy as a member of Louis’s regency council, and was also one of the men whom Hincmar had suggested as advisers for Louis.
Physical proximity may also have been an important element for Hincmar in exerting
the awe in which many north of the Alps held Rome and the papacy, even at times when the popes themselves were involved in contentious and less than savoury Roman and West Frankishpolitics. In spite of their fierce clashes and disagreements, this vision of ideal Christian communities, located in an authoritative past that ought to be recreated in the present, was shared by all the main protagonists of this chapter. It helped to shape Hincmar’s view of what a parish should be, 50 and his notion of what canonical authority amounted to, as well as Pseudo