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Andrew Presto

At the heart of the modern world order, one that has for the most part been shaped and maintained by the United States, lies a paradox between empire and anti-imperialism, and at the heart of that paradox sits the enigmatic figure of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. FDR was both a champion of decolonization and an architect of empire. While president of the United States, particularly

in Rhetorics of empire
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Languages of colonial conflict after 1900

Stirring language and appeals to collective action were integral to the battles fought to defend empires and to destroy them. These wars of words used rhetoric to make their case. This book explores the arguments fought over empire in a wide variety of geographic, political, social and cultural contexts. Essays range from imperialism in the early 1900s, to the rhetorical battles surrounding European decolonization in the late twentieth century. Rhetoric is one of the weapons of war. Conquest was humiliating for Afrikaners but they regained a degree of sovereignty, with the granting of responsible government to the new colonies in 1907 and independence with the Act of Union of 1910. Liberal rhetoric on the Transvaal Crisis was thus neither an isolated debate nor simply the projection of existing political concerns onto an episode of imperial emergency. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's principles of intervention in response to crimes against civilization, constituted a second corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. The rhetorical use of anti-imperial demonology was useful in building support for New Deal legislation. The book argues that rhetoric set out to portray the events at Mers el-Kebir within a culturally motivated framework, drawing on socially accepted 'truths' such as historic greatness and broad themes of hope. Now, over 175 years of monarchical presence in New Zealand the loyalty may be in question, devotion scoffed, the sycophantic language more demure and colloquialized, the medium of expression revolutionized and deformalized, but still the rhetoric of the realm remains in New Zealand.

Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

and monopolistic distortions. And as liberal hopes for a pacific and technocratic utopia have taken leave of empirical reality, the assumption of progress has been sustained primarily through myth-making and cognitive gymnastics. Fake news is not the antithesis of liberal truth but its progeny. Nonetheless, the notion of liberal order is useful to the extent that it signals the role of liberal ideas and politics in the consolidation of Western hegemony and, more specifically, the expansion of American power. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Four

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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The Allies and neutral Ireland in the Second World War
Author: Karen Garner

Friends and enemies: The Allies and neutral Ireland in the Second World War examines the personal friendships and embittered conflicts among British, American, and Irish national leaders, their Dublin-based foreign policy advisers, and an American journalist as those relationships warmed and cooled, shifting in response to their nations’ fortunes during the six years’ war. The dominant personalities of Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Eamon de Valera, marked by their distinctive prejudices and predilections, in combination with the culturally and historically specific British, American, and Irish masculine ideologies that prescribed their privileged and powerful roles, determined the ways that they each constructed politically useful national identities and war stories. Through their public addresses and in their private correspondence and recollections, they associated specific character traits, behaviors, allegiances, and affinities with themselves, their nations’ male citizens, and with their personal “friends” and national allies, as they distinguished themselves from their “enemies” in order to rally their compatriots to either support – or reject – the most consequential of all political projects: to go to war. Churchill’s, Roosevelt’s, and de Valera’s constructions of those identities and narratives, shared and reinforced by their advisers and propagandists, helped to shape the emotional, patriotic, and gendered experiences of the Second World War among their nations’ people, as well as their nations’ wartime policies.

Europe in the 1930s
Karen Garner

also Robert Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life (New York: Penguin, 2018) , 284–284; Kevin Smith, “Reassessing Roosevelt’s View of Chamberlain After Munich: Ideological Affinity in the Geoffrey Thompson–Claude Bowers Correspondence,” Diplomatic History 33: 5 (November 2009), 840–841, 859–862. 29 Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life , 300–301. 30 Smith, “Reassessing Roosevelt’s View of Chamberlain,” 863

in Friends and enemies
Andrew Preston

ambassador to Paris, bluntly told French foreign minister Georges Bonnet when the Czech crisis was beginning to escalate, ‘this was precisely the sort of European dispute in which the United States would desire to avoid involvement’. 15 When Bullitt got word that some officials back in Washington – including President Franklin D. Roosevelt himself – were giving signals that France should stand fast and not give in to Hitler’s demands, he fired off a stern warning to Secretary of State Cordell Hull. ‘It is entirely honorable to urge another nation to go to war if one is

in The Munich Crisis, politics and the people
Andrew Williams

single book on Roosevelt’s foreign policy is Robert Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932–1945 (New York, Oxford University Press, 1979). 6 The literature on appeasement is, of course, vast. Some useful summaries can be found in Martin Gilbert and R. Gott, The Appeasers (London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1963); Martin Gilbert, The Roots of Appeasement (London, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1966); Peter Calvocorressi and Guy Wint, Total War (London, Penguin, 1972); R. Henig, The Origins of the Second World War (London, Methuen, 1985); A.J. P

in Failed imagination?
Karen Garner

yours, Franklin D. Roosevelt 45 After meeting Willkie and receiving Roosevelt’s encouraging message, Churchill addressed the nation on February 9, five months since his last national radio address, noting that, “In wartime, there’s a lot to be said for the motto: ‘Deeds, not words.’” He recounted Britain’s battles and the Allies’ fierce resistance. He talked about his visits with Roosevelt’s envoys, Harry Hopkins and Wendell Willkie, and their promises of American aid. He also shared the

in Friends and enemies
Karen Garner

’s Lost Alliances , 91. 22 Burns, Roosevelt , 309. See also Robert Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Political Life (New York: Penguin, 2018), 430. 23 Kaiser, No End Save Victory , 209. 24 Blanche Wiesen Cook, Eleanor Roosevelt: The War Years and After , vol. 3, 1939–1962 (New York: Viking, 2016), 396. See also Telegram from Winston Churchill to Harry Hopkins, 28 August 1941, CHAR: 20/42A/35, Winston Churchill Archives

in Friends and enemies
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The politics of Supreme Court appointments
Robert J. McKeever

political influence over the Court. For some Presidents, the principal aim is to put a conservative or liberal Justice on the Court and they will therefore seek to assure themselves that nominees are in tune with their vision of judicial role and policy. Thus Franklin D. Roosevelt’s initial appointments were driven by his desire to secure judicial approval of his liberal New Deal programme. He adopted the strategy, therefore, simply of nominating those who had already held political positions in which they had demonstrated their zeal for the New Deal. His first appointee

in The United States Supreme Court