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This book is about a lost moment in British, and especially Scots, history. It explores in detail the events of 1708. The book uses this as a platform to analyse the dynamics of the Jacobite movement, the English/British government's response to the Jacobites' activities and the way the Jacobites interacted with the French government. Grand historical theses need, however, to be well grounded in the nitty-gritty of human affairs. The book offers a detailed narrative of the execution of the Enterprise of Scotland. It introduces the reader to the operation's climactic moment and at the same time corrects misapprehensions about it that have crept in to the historiography that touches on the operation proper. The book also offers a new interpretation of the role of Queen Mary of Modena as de facto regent and thus director of the movement in the early eighteenth century. It highlights the unusually prominent role played by particular Scots noblewomen, such as Anne Drummond, countess of Erroll, and Elizabeth Howard, duchess of Gordon, in the conspiracy leading to the '08. In a context set by a desperate, epic global war and the angry, febrile politics of early eighteenth-century Scotland, the book contends that Britain was on the cusp of a military and constitutional upheaval.
This book looks at the period 2015–18 in French politics, a turbulent time that witnessed the apparent collapse of the old party system, the taming of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic and the emergence of a new political order centred on President Emmanuel Macron. The election of Macron was greeted with relief in European chancelleries and appeared to give a new impetus to European integration, even accomplishing the feat of making France attractive after a long period of French bashing and reflexive decline. But what is the real significance of the Macron presidency? Is it as transformative as it appears? Emmanuel Macron and the remaking of France provides a balanced answer to this pressing question. It is written to appeal to a general readership with an interest in French and European politics, as well as to students and scholars of French politics.
Conclusions The occupations of these territories reflected various strategic concerns of the French Government. The overarching priority of Louis XIV’s reign was to secure France’s frontiers; how the government did this, given its limitations in resources and energy, varied greatly between one territory and another, and over time.There is no inherent contradiction here: the government’s overall aims remained consistent, though there was certainly a lack of coherence in Louis XIV’s occupation policy from a comparative perspective. In part this reflected changing
Republic had long been a source of inspiration in Spain, even giving rise to the republican allegory of a Spanish Marianne on propaganda posters during the Spanish Civil War. Furthermore, the French and Spanish Republics ostensibly shared common interests. The fear of extreme rightwing authoritarianism, from both within and beyond the borders of these two nation-states, together with the accompanying desire for social justice, had been influential factors behind the election of Popular Front governments in both countries.2 Why, therefore, was the French government
of agreements with domestic French manufacturers to reproduce couture lines for a wider audience. The second section addresses the relationship between the couturiers and the French government, and the politics of subventions granted by the state to haute couture during the 1950s. The main association of Paris couturiers, the Chambre Syndicale de la Couture Parisienne (hereafter Chambre Syndicale) drew on a government subvention to open an office in New York, which was a dramatic break from couture’s historical association with Paris. The third section examines how
component the Armée de Libération Nationale (ALN). This nurtured the military insubordination that propelled de Gaulle back into office in 1958. The purpose of this chapter is to explain the political and military pressures which drove successive French governments to increase the scale and to widen the scope of French military operations in Algeria between 1954 and 1958. Its focus will be upon some
was secondary to defence of the Rhine frontier. For the empire to hold, France had to hold first. A final question thus confronts us: how far did the French empire matter to inter-war France? An essential paradox of French imperialism was that France’s governing elite remained overwhelmingly Eurocentric in outlook despite the global reach of colonial rule. French governments
satisfying role’ in the judicial management of the province.8 That the French Government was in general not opposed to the continuation of estates, parlements and other traditional bodies reflects the fact that co-operation with existing local elites was usually the most effective way of imposing royal authority; reckless suppression or subjugation could be dangerous and could undermine stability and order. Though neither Lorraine nor Savoy’s Estates General was active at the moment of French conquest,9 they did both possess sovereign courts with wide-ranging powers. In
obliged to deal with the Spanish on its own soil, spending £35,000 daily to feed and control the influx of refugees, many looked to Britain to do more to support the situation it had helped to create. 1 It was in this context that the British Red Cross (BRCS) found itself in receipt of a £50,000 grant from the British Government to aid the work of the French Government in the camps – a paltry sum in any case, but one that was significantly hampered by both insufficiency and inefficiency. This case study highlights the close relationship between national governments and
context, it is suggested (if not explicitly stated) that French governments added to their main goal – the maintenance of a sphere of political influence – the attempt to guarantee a role for French language and culture on the continent. This idea has been linked to the deployment of a considerable number of French citizens involved in projects of cooperation on the ground and generous financial support for African states (Bossuat 2003). The notion, expressed in the contested Law of 23 February 2005, that the beneficial aspects of French colonisation should be made