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Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

everything in the economic sphere and its disintegration of tradition in the social sphere. Globalisation has uprooted people symbolically as well as materially. A growing ‘impulse’ for social protection has received little response from the receding welfare state. 3 In the absence of an economic resolution, the assertion of cultural sovereignty has become a fuite en arrière – a retreat, to nostalgic fantasies of grandeur, fascistic tropes of national belonging and religious fundamentalisms. 4 Ressentiment has given rise to diverse anti

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Poststructuralism and radical politics

How do we think about radical politics today, in the wake of the collapse of Marxist-Leninism and the triumph of neo-liberal capitalism? How should radical political theory respond to new challenges posed by globalisation, postmodernity, the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of religious fundamentalism? How are we to take account of the new social movements and political struggles appearing on the global horizon? In addressing these questions, this book explores the theme of universality and its place in radical political theory. It argues that both Marxist politics of class struggle and the postmodern politics of difference have reached their historical and political limits, and that what is needed is a new approach to universality, a new way of thinking about collective politics. By exploring various themes and ideas within poststructuralist and post-Marxist theory, the book develops a new approach to universality — one that has implications for politics today, particularly on questions of power, subjectivity, ethics and democracy. In so doing, it engages in debates with thinkers such as Laclau, Žižek, Badiou and Rancière over the future of radical politics. The book also applies theoretical insights to contemporary events such as the emergence of the anti-globalisation movement, the ‘war on terrorism’, the rise of anti-immigrant racism and the nihilistic violence that lurks at the margins of the political.

For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.

A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

Arab world. In this chapter Islamism is viewed as a variety of religious fundamentalism. In the effort to redefine security the challenge of religions fundamentalism, not of Islam itself ( Tibi, 1998a ), is of concern. The groups representing political Islam 1 do in fact pose a threat to security at domestic, regional and international levels. It follows that the inquiry needs to focus on the politicization of religion, because

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Can the University survive?

This book addresses the condition of the University today. There has been a fundamental betrayal of the institution by the political class, perverting it from its proper social and cultural functions. The betrayal has narrowed the scope of the University, through the commercial financialization of knowledge. In short, the sector has been politicized, and now works explicitly to advance and serve a market-fundamentalist ideology. When all human values are measured by money, then wealth is mistaken for ‘the good’. Social, cultural, and political corruption follow. The University’s leadership has become complicit in a yet more fundamental betrayal of society, as an ever-widening wedge is driven between the lives of ordinary citizens and the self-interest of the privileged and wealthy. It is no wonder that ‘experts’ are in the dock today. In 1927, the philosopher Julien Benda accused intellectuals of treason. His argument was that their thinking had been politicized, polluted by a nationalism that could only culminate in war. In 1939, Nazism explicitly corrupted the University and the intellectuals, demanding ideological allegiance instead of thought. We continue to live through the ever-worsening aftermath of this ; by endorsing an entire ideology of ‘competition’, intellectuals have established a neo-Hobbesian war of all against all as the new cornerstone of societies. This now threatens human ecological survival. In light of this, the intellectual and the University have a duty to extend democracy and social justice. This book calls upon the intellectual to assist in the survival of the species.

Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison
Tony Boyd

–Palestinian struggle, the conflict between India and Pakistan, religion plays a crucial part as an irritant. The term ‘religious fundamentalist’ conjures up the image of the religious bigot, but we shall argue that this is often an unjust verdict. The nature of religious fundamentalismFundamentalism’ was a term originally applied to an approach to religion in which it was assumed that the original purity of the faith

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Thomas Docherty

of the University will lead our institutions. Like other fundamentalisms, especially religious fundamentalisms, market fundamentalism is also death-oriented, in that it is oriented always towards a final solution of predicaments. The market provides that final solution, regarding the value of all things, by a dissolution of everything that might matter into the seeming certainty of a price, government by number. We have two forms in which nature and politics thus coalesce. The first relates to the survival of the planet; the second relates to fundamentalist calls

in The new treason of the intellectuals
Mark Olssen

punishment in part to prompt questions such as ‘could confinement be replaced with much more intelligent forms?’ (2000g: 398). In highlighting the ‘historical relativity of the prison form’, he seeks a ‘radical re-examination [of] what it means to punish, what is being punished, why there is punishment, and finally how punishment should be carried out … The Enlightenment is not evil incarnate, far from it; but it isn’t the absolute good, either, and certainly not the definitive good’ (2000g: 98–9). 10 Ethical pluralism, fundamentalism, and cultural relativism Foucault

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics
François Burgat

sought to influence the verdicts. At its core, the public relations of the “Arab Pinochets” towards their Western partners rested on the deterrent power of the “fundamentalism” of their bogeyman dissidents. The idea was thus absolutely unacceptable to them that some of these bogeymen might be declared innocent—or that their “crimes” might be reduced to the level of the counter-violence of an opposition forced into legitimate self-defense. The indispensable gullibility of the North was at stake. The “Arab Pinochets” (and Their Allies) vs. Their

in Understanding Political Islam