Like all concepts in political theory,
gender has a history. Unlike most of these concepts, though, the history of
gender is comparatively short. The term itself originated in the nineteenth
century, arising in the context of descriptive and diagnostic social
sciences of human behaviour. It was only adopted into political theory, as a
result of a political process of struggle, about 100
Artists from the West should constantly thank God that they were spared the experience that artists from former socialist countries had.
— Natalia LL, 2015
The issue of gender, not to mention feminism, in Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe remains complicated and fraught. Prior to 1989, the ‘woman question’ was largely considered to have been resolved throughout the region on an official level, with gender equality a stated priority of socialist governments. 1 Across the East, women benefited from equal access to jobs, childcare and often equal pay
In Chapter 1 we saw that the Exhibition was often presented as a triumph for
what Auerbach (1999) has termed ‘sophisticated organisation’ and a group
of ‘capable men’. This was part of a careful strategy designed to reassure the
press and public. The physical arrangement of objects within the Crystal
Palace, however, could not match the theoretical system. The mismatch
between design and realisation suggests to Isobel Armstrong that ‘an anxiety of taxonomy is evident throughout Exhibition rhetorics, acknowledging
that it could not be a monologic
This book is an analysis of the complex links between social relations—including notions of class, nationality and gender—and spatial relations, landscape, architecture and topography—in post-colonial contexts. Arguing against the psychoanalytic focus of much current post-colonial theory, it aims to set out in a new direction, drawing on a wide range of literary and non-literary texts to develop a more materialist approach. The book foregrounds gender in this field where it has often been marginalised by the critical orthodoxies, demonstrating its importance not only in spatial theorising in general, but in the post-colonial theorising of space in particular. Concentrating on the period of ‘high’ British colonialism at the close of the nineteenth century, it examines a range of colonial contexts, such as India, Africa, America, Canada, Australia and Britain, illustrating how relations must be analysed for the way in which different colonial contexts define and constitute each other.
Gender history is more than the recovery of women's pasts and inclusion of female experiences into history. This book brings together two traditionally separate areas of historical literature: writings on women and gender on the one hand, and scholarship on British imperialism and colonialism on the other. It marks an important new intervention into a vibrant area of scholarship, creating a dialogue between the histories of imperialism and of women and gender. By engaging critically with both traditional British imperial history and colonial discourse analysis, the book demonstrates how feminist historians can play a central role in creating new histories of British imperialism. The first part of the book offers new perspectives on the nature of British imperial power through exploring the gender dimensions of the imposition of British control. It discusses study of the age of consent, body of scholarship, and British women missionaries in India. The second part talks about the gender dimensions of a spectrum of reactions to British imperialism. The focus is on colonising women and the colonized women. The third part switches from colonial contexts to explore the impact of imperialism within Britain itself. It presents both the anti-slavery discourse constructed by women anti-slavery campaigners and the 'triple discourse' of anti-slavery in early feminist tracts of 1790 to 1869 as marking key roots of the 'imperial feminism'. Finally, the inter-war period is explored focusing on the under-researched area of white women's involvement in imperial politics and race issues.
Between 1803 and 1853, some 80,000 convicts were transported to settle in Van Diemen's Land, today's Tasmania, Australia. The book explores the attempts to construct a hierarchical and gendered social order in the new settlements. An attachment to the patriarchal familial ideal as a model of authority, and to the notion of the male convict-turned-virtuous-yeoman-farmer which went with it, was evident in the settlements. The book examines the ways similar tensions began systematically to rework the relationships between state and society during the 1810s and early 1820s. Initially, convicts were channelled into their own households and encouraged to marry and rear families. Subsequently, convicts were systematically re-ordered as a coerced colonial labour force and redirected from their own households into the homes of free settlers, there to work without wages. The shift to greater servitude was accompanied by the forcible and fairly systematic reconfiguration of the convict private sphere. Although the population was 'entirely British', it was entirely 'un-British in social and civilised spirit and in moral feeling and character'. Convict transportation had enabled 'the English' to create 'from their own loins a nation of Cyprians and Turks'. Organic and familial visions were fundamental to the conceptual schemes of the Colonial Reformers, a group dedicated to the reform of the empire and to the restructuring of imperial relations. During the 1840s and 1850s, a home-grown abolitionist movement raised the spectre of the sexual addiction of male convicts, fostering a major moral panic about the threat of sodomy and child rape.
The role of national machineries, as a way to promote the status of women, acquired international relevance during the World Conference on the International Women's Year, in Mexico City in 1975. This book reflects Division for the Advancement of Women's (DAW) long-standing interest in the area of national machineries, bringing together the experiences, research and insights of experts. The first part of the book sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the conceptual level. It reflects upon five aspects of democratization: devolution or decentralization; the role of political parties; monitoring and auditing systems; and the importance of increasing the presence of women within institutions of the state and government. The second part is a comparative analysis and sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the political level. A combination of factors, including civil society, state bodies and political actors, need to come together for national machineries to function effectively in the interest of gender equality. Next comes the 'lessons learned' by national machineries in mainstreaming gender. National machineries should have an achievable agenda, an important part of which must be 'a re-definition of gender issues. The third part contains case studies that build upon the specific experiences of national machineries in different countries. The successful experience of Nordic countries in gender mainstreaming is also discussed.
This book provides an exploration of women's representation and the third party in UK politics. Based on extensive research, it is a comprehensive gendered analysis of the Liberal Democrats and the research highlights specific institutional factors within the Liberal Democrats that directly impact upon the party's low number of women MPs. The book explores the extent to which the party's ideology, culture and organisation are dominated by a prevailing masculine bias and questions why the Liberal Democrats continue to overwhelmingly return white, middle-aged, male MPs to Westminster. It highlights a number of findings: the Liberal Democrats' low number of women MPs is due to demand rather than supply; the party have not selected a sufficient number of women in winnable or target seats; the lack of women MPs undermines the party's pro-women policies; and women's interests have not been mainstreamed within the Liberal Democrats. Together, these conclusions address substantive questions regarding the Liberal Democrats' numerical under-representation of women MPs and the extent to which they can act for and symbolically represent women. The book demonstrates the importance of using gender as a tool for analysing the culture, organisation and political recruitment of British political parties. Its contribution lies in the empirical findings and its ability to address wider conceptual debates.
Gender mainstreaming: conceptual links
to institutional machineries
We enter the new millennium with a quarter-century of
experience in reflection and practice about women and subsequently gender in development. This experience builds
on the voices of many diverse people who share stakes in
and support a broad definition of development, used here to
mean the enhancement of human capacity in a world that
sustains, rather than undermines, its natural resources.1 Such
enhancement can hardly occur in a world lacking good
It is almost 9 a.m. on a cloudy morning in June 2009. My friend, Jenny, and I are
standing on the pebble beach of Dover harbour, stripping down to the swimming
costumes we put on under our clothes when we got dressed this morning. Another
fifty or so swimmers are also there – both relays and solo swimmers – most training for English Channel crossings that season. A six-hour swim today for the solo
swimmers. Jenny and I are a little late, and we can hear the shouts and laughs of
swimmers already entering the water. We apply thick