With the increased focus on gender across the humanitarian sector, genderanalysis
has become more important to humanitarian actors, including international
non-governmental organisations (NGOs), United Nations agencies and local NGOs.
Promoting ‘gender equality and women’s empowerment’ often
motivates humanitarian actors, however there is no consensus on what this concept
means or how it is measured ( Cornwall and Rivas
Expanding Gender Norms to Marriage Drivers Facing Boys and Men in South Sudan
Analysis: A Snapshot Situation Analysis of the Differential Impact of the Humanitarian Crisis on Women, Girls, Men and Boys in South Sudan , https://oxfamilibrary.openrepository.com/bitstream/handle/10546/620207/rr-south-sudan-gender-analysis-060317-en.pdf?sequence=1 (accessed 14
( 2019 ), Born to be Married: Addressing Early and Forced Marriage in Nyal, South Sudan , https://oxfamilibrary.openrepository.com/bitstream/handle/10546/620620/rr-born-to-be-married-efm-south-sudan-180219-en.pdf (accessed 12
scarce, which directly impairs their ability to breastfeed and maintain good health during and after pregnancy ( UN OCHA, 2018 ). A 2019 genderanalysis conducted by Save the Children in Borno State found that male heads of households are often the sole decision-makers in regard to food expenditure, despite women’s primary responsibilities to prepare food and feed the family ( SCI, 2019 ). Male family members rarely support their partners with household chores and child-rearing duties, even when their wives and partners are pregnant. In addition, feeding practices that
In the global race for skilled immigrants, governments compete for workers. In pursuing such individuals, governments may incidentally discriminate on gender grounds. Existing gendered differences in the global labour market related to life course trajectories, pay gaps and occupational specialisation are refracted in skilled immigration selection policies. This book analyses the gendered terrain of skilled immigration policies across 12 countries and 37 skilled immigration visas. It argues that while skilled immigration policies are often gendered, this outcome is not inevitable and that governments possess scope in policy design. Further, the book explains the reasons why governments adopt more or less gender aware skilled immigration policies, drawing attention to the engagement of feminist groups and ethnocultural organisations in the policy process. In doing so, it utilises evidence from 128 elite interviews undertaken with representatives of these organisations, as well as government officials, parliamentarians, trade unions and business associations in Australia and Canada over the period 1988 through to 2013. Presenting the first book-length account of the global race for talent from a gender perspective, Gender, migration and the global race for talent will be read by graduate students, researchers, policy-makers and practitioners in the fields of immigration studies, political science, public policy, sociology, gender studies and Australian and Canadian studies.
test (Chapter 5). They also played a proactive role in calling for and achieving
a genderanalysis of the new immigration act and seeking the establishment of
the GBA Unit within CIC (Chapter 5). They continue to mobilise at both federal and provincial level around the Low-Skilled Pilot and the Live-in Caregiver
Program (LCP) (Chapter 7). Yet, institutional venue, while constraining or facilitating the action of these groups and the possibilities for agenda-setting behaviour, does not explain the original emergence of these groups. Even in cases where
Department of Immigration and Citizenship’s
(DIAC) Fact Sheet 1 summarises that country’s multicultural immigration selection policy and states that ‘Australia’s Migration Program does not discriminate
on the basis of race or religion. This means that anyone from any country, can
apply to migrate, regardless of their ethnic origin, gender or colour, provided that
they meet the criteria set out in law’ (DIAC 2009a). Similarly, Canada also places
emphasis on diversity in selection, including gender, as evidenced by the inclusion
of a requirement for genderanalysis in its
machineries themselves, making for more accountable bodies with stronger links to civil society associations;
leadership commitment to gender equality agendas; and the
importance of increasing the presence of women within
broader political institutions of the state and government.
In chapter 2, Kathleen Staudt reflects upon the ways in
which the move from focusing on women to gender has,
among other things, opened up the issue of genderanalysis
for policy making, which is a core concern of national
machineries. The focus of this chapter is on exploring the
faltering approach to increasing the number of women MPs are the key
findings from a genderanalysis of the party. Whilst it is important to
acknowledge the feminist policies promoted by the party, the research
has shown that the organisation and ideology of the party do suggest
the persistent privileging of male norms and values.
Male parliamentarians dominated the coalition negotiations between
the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives. Furthermore, when it was
announced that the Liberal Democrats would receive five Cabinet positions, none of those appointed
This book provides an exploration of women's representation and the third party in UK politics. Based on extensive research, it is a comprehensive gendered analysis of the Liberal Democrats and the research highlights specific institutional factors within the Liberal Democrats that directly impact upon the party's low number of women MPs. The book explores the extent to which the party's ideology, culture and organisation are dominated by a prevailing masculine bias and questions why the Liberal Democrats continue to overwhelmingly return white, middle-aged, male MPs to Westminster. It highlights a number of findings: the Liberal Democrats' low number of women MPs is due to demand rather than supply; the party have not selected a sufficient number of women in winnable or target seats; the lack of women MPs undermines the party's pro-women policies; and women's interests have not been mainstreamed within the Liberal Democrats. Together, these conclusions address substantive questions regarding the Liberal Democrats' numerical under-representation of women MPs and the extent to which they can act for and symbolically represent women. The book demonstrates the importance of using gender as a tool for analysing the culture, organisation and political recruitment of British political parties. Its contribution lies in the empirical findings and its ability to address wider conceptual debates.
particular, ensuring the improvement of women’s
status’ (MGCD, 1997:7).3 Its central role is to ensure that
the national development process is gender responsive,
including all national policies, reviews and other plans.
Activities include liaising with other actors to eliminate gender imbalance; the provision of technical support in genderanalysis and planning skills; conducting gender-sensitization
forums; the collection and dissemination of sex-disaggregated
data; and monitoring and evaluation of various interventions/policy implementations (see Figure 2 for an overall