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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.
states, others, like the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask ‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it
Havana Charter, heralding it Dawn over Bretton Woods 55 as ‘the beginning of law in the realm of world commerce and the vehicle for the growth of a spirit of mutuality and interdependence in trade relations’.58 When it looked like he had failed to win over the opposition, the Truman Administration quietly withdrew the Havana Charter from Congress in 1950. What had started as a grand project to free world trade ended in a whimper, and in the interim the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was signed in Geneva by 23 countries on 30 October 1947. Originally
This chapter seeks to identify the main determinants of the European Union (EU) trade policy in relation to the developing countries. It asks why the EU has adopted trade liberalisation rather than any other option for the future of its relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states, and in stark contrast to the previous policies. The chapter looks at the general policy environment in which EU policy towards the Lomé countries has been made. It then looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution and response to the phenomenon referred to here in shorthand as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this, which is reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The chapter provides an analysis of the political interests at stake in the trade liberalisation debate.
In this chapter, we return to Anglo-Chinese bilateral relations, covering the period from late 1984 to the end of 1986. After the resolution of the Hong Kong question, the Thatcher government sought to capitalise on the good political atmosphere to increase trade and economic cooperation with China – or to promote Britain as a global trading nation. Anglo-Chinese interactions during this period were characterised by high-level mutual visits, growing merchandise trade, and a convergence of strategic views on the Soviet Union. The chapter details the high-profile visits of Premier Zhao Ziyang and General Secretary Hu Yaobang to Britain, and of Queen Elizabeth II to China, highlighting the symbolism of personal relationship. In the age of intensified globalisation, though, China was acutely aware of international competition. In negotiating business deals with British companies, the Chinese constantly bargained over price. By the close of 1986, China’s integration into the global economy remained shallow and limited. Although China was eager to join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Deng Xiaoping saw China’s status as a ‘developing country’, which necessitated a system of tariffs and non-tariff barriers to protect against foreign imports. To Britain, however, China’s state trading features were not compatible with the principles underpinning the multilateral trading system – that is, a market economy. As this chapter shows, Deng and Thatcher held contending visions of globalisation.
barriers to trade and to the elimination of discriminatory treatment in international trade relations. Resolved , therefore, to develop an integrated, more viable and durable multilateral trading system encompassing the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the results of past trade liberalization efforts, and all of the results of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations
foreign investment. First, the Foreign Investment Review Act ( FIRA ) case , is considered. This case concerned a General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) dispute between the United States and Canada over Canada’s restrictive approach to the admission of foreign investment, which established for the first time that such policies could fall foul of GATT, where they were trade restricting. Then
, which took place under the framework of the General Agreement on Tariffs And Trade [GATT] 1947, 1 and were launched in 1986 as a consequence of the GATT Trade Ministers’ Meeting at Punta del Este, Uruguay. 2 The Uruguay Round was the eighth of such multilateral trade liberalisation negotiations. 3 Its distinctive feature has been that not only did it ensure further
; Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade; Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Investment Measures; Agreement on Implementation of Article VI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; Agreement on Implementation of Article VII of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; Agreement on Preshipment Inspection; Agreement on Rules of Origin; Agreement on Import
Currency Unit EDC European Defence Community EEA European Economic Area EEC European Economic Community EFTA European Free Trade Area EM European Monetary System EMI European Monetary Institute EMU Economic and Monetary Union EP European Parliament ERM Exchange Rate Mechanism ESCB European System of Central Banks EU European Union EUA European Unit of Account EURATOM European Atomic Energy Community ESCB European System of Central Banks G-7 Group of Seven G-8 Group of Eight GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade IGC