The postsocialist contemporary intervenes, from the historical perspective of Eastern Europe, in a wider conversation about “contemporary art.” It departs from, and revolves around, a concrete case in which a program called “for contemporary art” was assembled on the debris of the Berlin Wall by the Hungarian-American billionaire George Soros. The Soros Centers for Contemporary Art (SCCA) was a network of twenty art centers active during the 1990s in Eastern Europe. The book argues that this program played an important role in the actualization of the paradigm of contemporary art in the former bloc. The main goal of this study, however, is not to recreate the narrative but to take this Soros-funded art infrastructure as a critical point of inquiry in order to engage with key permutations occurring in art during the transition to capitalism. The book argues that with the implementation of Western art institutional models and norms by Soros, and other players after 1989, a radical departure takes place in the art of this region: a departure from an art that (officially at least) provided symbolic empowerment to the masses, toward an art that affirms the interests, needs, desires, and “freedom” of the private individual acting within the boundaries of the bourgeois civil society and the market. The book considers the “postsocialist contemporary” in a broader context of late twentieth-century political, economic, and cultural processes of (neo) liberalization, promoting and encouraging more critical historical materialist examinations of “contemporary art” – the dominant aesthetic paradigm of late-capitalist market democracy.
Europe are seeking to supplant white people with immigrants from the Middle East
and Africa ( Holthouse, 2017 ). YouTube
comments ( Gefira, 2016c ) on it
illustrate the extreme conclusions drawn by some of its viewers: ‘When
will European people rise up and fight this before their continent is destroyed?
It needs to happen soon for the sake of your kids and grandkids lives’,
‘All funded by GeorgeSoros, the devil in disguise’ and
The Postsocialist Contemporary intervenes, from the perspective of Eastern Europe, in a wider conversation about contemporary art. It departs from, and revolves around, a concrete historical case in which a program specifically dedicated to “contemporary art” was quickly assembled on the debris of the Berlin Wall by the Hungarian-American billionaire GeorgeSoros. The Soros Centers for Contemporary Art (SCCA) was a network of twenty art centers active during the 1990s, which – as this book argues – has played an
How Eastern Europe got the idea of contemporary art
, norms, and infrastructure for contemporary art, so that when Soros arrived (in the 1980s in Hungary, and then from the early 1990s in other parts of Eastern Europe) many of these artists and their archives and samizdats and tamizdats , their semi-official art periodicals and newsletters, their banned, prohibited, or tolerated art and networks of collaborators, their “parallel polis” and “second culture” and “antipolitical” art historical discourses and venues, had become the first and main beneficiaries of GeorgeSoros. By way of a rapid and intense series of
The impact of counter-terrorism policy on civil society in the EU
Scott N. Romaniuk, Ákos Baumgartner, and Glen M. E. Duerr
represented in statements by Fidesz officials … Or
the other example with striking similarities is the Israeli
definitely used the security and counterterrorism policy and
frameworks like that. NGOs, especially GeorgeSoros
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron. Placing an
emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political
prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the
unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the
subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the
latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and
the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part
addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism'
is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the
project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity
in the years since 9/11. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages
with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international
relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise
and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and
professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader
readership concerned with the future of Europe
, it is important to note the rise of increasingly open anti-Semitism in the body politic presided over by Viktor Orbán since 2010. During the most recent election (2016), Orbán supporters printed leaflets bearing a photograph of Hungarian-American, Jewish financier, GeorgeSoros, with copy that identified him as an enemy of the country. These posters, as I saw myself during a visit to Budapest that year, were placed on sidewalks so that pedestrians would step on this image of the man's face. Even Donald Trump, in a rant targeting Central American asylum seekers
with a depiction of GeorgeSoros, puppet master, manipulating Angela Merkel (see Figure 2.2 ).
The government, in Waldstein’s view, is aiming to turn Germany into a land of diversity and heterogeneity and thereby perpetrating ‘acts of racism against its own people’, by turning Germany into an ethnic and religious melting pot. This is a coup d’état from above, argues Waldstein. Of course, resistance is the only recourse. In particular, as other far-right publicists argue, the government is waging battles in the East of the country in which ‘ethnic German
winning political power.
The idea is highly contentious. Internationally, this perspective puts GeorgeSoros, the Rockefellers, the Council on Foreign Relations, the United Nations and the World Health Organization – as well as liberal leaders like Barack Obama and Angela Merkel – in the same camp as traditional labour movement types, the Chinese Communist Party and the more old-fashioned communist dictatorships still in charge in Cuba and North Korea. Carvalho contends that the liberal alliance in Brazil encompasses the country’s entire political establishment
The ideological bedrock of the postsocialist contemporary
contemporary art, dedicated to the relation between art and the open society:
As the founder of The Open Society Fund and the Center for Contemporary Arts network, GeorgeSoros aims to support the emergence of a so-called “open society”: a liberal civil society based on the western model. The fundamental trait of that society is consciousness of the imperfection of human knowledge. From the consciousness of imperfection emerges constant preparedness and society's ability to rectify erroneous decisions. An