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-term investment and development programme for Europe. (DGB, 2012) Voluntaristic nonsense. (IG Metall leader Bertold Huber on the 14 November 2012 European Day of Action and Solidarity) Germany is the archetypal core Eurozone country. After the launch of the euro, wage moderation helped guarantee competitive advantage for the country within EMU. A number of authorities have associated this outcome with the efficacy of German sectoral bargaining (Hancké, 2013 ; Hassel, 2014 ; Johnston
2444Ch5 3/12/02 5 2:02 pm Page 115 Andreas Maurer1 Germany: fragmented structures in a complex system Introduction: preferences of a tamed power2 Germany’s political class is marked by a positive and constructive attitude towards European integration. The main objective of European policy was and still is to achieve effective and democratic European co-operation and integration.3 All governments and the vast majority of political parties contrive their general European policy agenda around the fundamental aim of far-reaching integration towards some kind
Empire. The Soviet Union had to undertake substantial physical reconstruction and consolidate its regime in a country that had proved once again to be vulnerable to invasion from the west. Germany, though, had a far greater burden to carry, a burden that consisted of three distinct components. First, like all the other European participants in the war, but more intensively than any except the USSR, it had to cope with enormous physical, demographic and economic damage. Second, in terms of international politics, it had to accept the status of an occupied state
GERMANY Chapter I “Why don’t you write your experiences?” – “Why don’t you write the story of your life?” – “Why don’t you write a book?” Such and similar are the suggestive questions put to me whenever I reminisce on my stage, suffrage, birth control or ordinary life experiences. Though writing, especially the mechanical part, is a great effort to me, to justify the faith my numerous friends in England and America have expressed in my ability to do it, I will do my best. Some of my earliest recollections are of home with father and mother – stepmother – in
This book presents new research on the histories and legacies of the German Expressionist group, Der Blaue Reiter, the founding force behind modernist abstraction. For the first time Der Blaue Reiter is subjected to a variety of novel inter-disciplinary perspectives, ranging from a philosophical enquiry into its language and visual perception, to analyses of its gender dynamics, its reception at different historical junctures throughout the twentieth century, and its legacies for post-colonial aesthetic practices. The volume offers a new perspective on familiar aspects of Expressionism and abstraction, taking seriously the inheritance of modernism for the twenty-first century in ways that will help to recalibrate the field of Expressionist studies for future scholarship. Der Blaue Reiter still matters, the contributors argue, because the legacies of abstraction are still being debated by artists, writers, philosophers and cultural theorists today.
The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg has long been recognised as one of the most important sources for the history of the tenth and early eleventh centuries, especially for the history of the Ottonian Empire. Although there is sufficient evidence of continuity between the Ottonians and the early Salians to justify a long Ottonian period extending at least to 1056, it is the Ottonians alone who defined the mental landscape of Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg. Thietmar's testimony also has special value because of his geographical location, in eastern Saxony, on the boundary between German and Slavic cultures. He is arguably the single most important witness to the early history of Poland, and his detailed descriptions of Slavic folklore are the earliest on record. Among anglophone readers, Thietmar's reputation rests chiefly on the various studies of Ottonian society and politics produced by the late Karl Leyser, one of the most influential historians of his generation. Although Thietmar placed great importance on kings and royal politics, he was scarcely reticent when it came to expressing his opinions on other matters. Notwithstanding his emphasis on the Divinity's role in directing Ottonian kings, Thietmar did not conceal the fact that the effect of royal government could be disruptive.
expected, separately or together, were France and Russia, with Germany more likely an ally than an enemy. Sir Charles Dilke, for instance, writing in 1888, said: ‘I shall … mention only Russia and France as probable enemies, because … Germany has no interests at variance with our own sufficiently important to be likely to lead to a quarrel.’ A little further on he added: ‘between ourselves and France differences are frequent, and between ourselves and Russia war is one day almost certain.’ 2 During the latter part of
v 6 v German angst? Debating Cold War anxieties in West Germany, 1945–90 Benjamin Ziemann In the early 1980s, many leading US newspapers commented on a strange malady that had the largest Western European country firmly in its grip: German angst. American journalists noted that the people in West Germany seemingly relished their feelings of anxiety.1 To some extent, this could be simply seen as an expression of the dark side of Teutonic romanticism. But these expressions of angst had a serious backdrop: the dual-track solution. This was a decision taken by
The study of German electoral politics has been neglected of late, despite being one of the most pervasive elements of the German political process. This book argues that concentration on electoral politics facilitates deeper understanding and appreciation of the German political system. It provides explanations and analysis of the federal electoral system, its evolution and the challenges that have been made to its format; discusses the role of electoral politics in relation to political parties and to the public; and the influence of second-order elections in the German political system. The book goes on to evaluate the effectiveness of the German electoral system in relation to its functions, and challenges the premise that electoral politics makes a difference in Germany. Ultimately, it aims to reconcile the apparently limited role that elections have in determining the composition of governments with the notion that there is a ‘permanent election campaign’ in existence in German politics.