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The World Health Organization (WHO) has a broad, expansive role during a health emergency, and despite the proliferation of NGOs and public-private partnerships into global health in the past twenty years (Anbazhagan and Surekha, 2021 ), as well as other international actors encroaching upon the WHO’s mandate (Burci, 2014 ), it remains the central actor in global health governance. Traditionally
The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.
This chapter examines the idea of good governance as one of the key British discourses concerning postwar Hong Kong. Similarly to previous chapters, the point here is not to write a comprehensive history of colonial governance; rather, it is to convey how British commentators – both in Hong Kong and in Britain – described what the British themselves were doing. As we will see in Chapter 7 , ‘good governance’ was a
Sweden is seen as a forerunner in environmental and ecological policy. This book is about policies and strategies for ecologically rational governance, and uses the Swedish case study to ask whether or not it is possible to move from a traditional environmental policy to a broad, integrated pursuit of sustainable development, as illustrated through the ‘Sustainable Sweden’ programme. It begins by looking at the spatial dimensions of ecological governance, and goes on to consider the integration and effectiveness of sustainable development policies. The book analyses the tension between democracy and sustainable development, which has a broader relevance beyond the Swedish model, to other nation states as well as the European Union as a whole. It offers the latest word in advanced implementation of sustainable development.
The European Union (EU) has emerged as an important security actor qua actor, not only in the non-traditional areas of security, but increasingly as an entity with force projection capabilities. This book investigates how the concept of security relates to or deals with different categories of threat, explores the relationship between forms of coordination among states, international institutions, and the provision of European security and the execution of security governance. It also investigates whether the EU has been effective in realising its stated security objectives and those of its member states. The book commences with a discussion on the changing nature of the European state, the changing nature and broadening of the security agenda, and the problem of security governance in the European political space. There are four functional challenges facing the EU as a security actor: the resolution of interstate conflicts, the management of intrastate conflicts, state-building endeavours, and building the institutions of civil society. The book then examines policies of prevention, particularly the pre-emption of conflict within Europe and its neighbourhood. It moves on to examine policies of assurance, particularly the problem of peace-building in south-eastern Europe. EU's peace-building or sustaining role where there has been a violent interstate or intrastate conflict, especially the origins and performance of the Stability Pact, is discussed. Finally, the book looks at the policies of protection which capture the challenge of internal security.
This volume seeks to bring together insights which look at the intersection of governance, culture and conflict resolution in India and the EU, two very different but connected epistemic, cultural and institutional settings, which have been divided by distance, colonialism, and culture, and yet recently brought closer together by ideas and practices of what is known as liberal peace, neoliberal state, and development projects. The differences are obvious in terms of geography, culture, the nature and shape of institutions, and historical forces: and yet the commonalities between the two are surprising. The depth of cultural variation and scale as well as very significant institutional differences are obvious. What emerges from this research project, and what is more unexpected is similarity in their critiques of neoliberalism, of governance and its conceptual relationship with governmentality, their focus on decentralised institutions, and local forms of peace agency, the escalatory tendencies of borders, and the urgency of development and self-determination pressures.
The volume based on strong case studies and rigorous analysis examines these issues in the context of the practices of conflict resolution in India and Europe.
landscape seems interrelated and the municipality is engaged in some kind of “collaborative governance” all around. The debate on the sporting arena demonstrates that they are constantly navigating between different but interconnected issues. Questions of centrality, cooperation with other municipalities, municipal structure, sustainability of the municipalities’ primary schools, the county's decisions on the structure of upper secondary education, state- and county-administrated founding schemes, the will (economic contributions) from trade and industry and local
2504Introduction 7/4/03 12:37 pm Page 3 1 Eurasian security governance: new threats, institutional adaptations James Sperling Halford Mackinder developed the geostrategic formulation recognising that international politics encompasses the globe. His simple formulation, which guided early twentieth-century policy-makers and theorists in North America and continental Europe alike, held that the state that controls the Eurasian heartland controls the periphery, and the state that controls the periphery controls the world.1 More so than in the first decade of
8 Governance in Japan: the implications of the research The downfall of the DPJ in December 2012 was unsurprising, given its growing unpopularity (Reed et al. 2013: 34–46). Defeating the Yoshihiko Noda government in the general election of 16 December 2012, the LDP’s Shinzō Abe won his second term as Prime Minister. After his first brief tenure between 2006 and 2007 was widely seen as a failure, not many expected a revival. Therefore, his return as the premier in December 2012 was received with surprise. The power of Abe’s LDP-led Coalition administration has
life of the nuns and sisters. Relationships with family, friends, other religious and co-workers took on new dimensions. Ministry was rethought and some religious institutes moved away from the institutionally based work that had been so intrinsic to their mission and identity. A renewed emphasis on ecumenism reflected more openness and engagement with other forms of Christianity. These were some of the many revisions to religious life contested by various factions who were ‘for change’ or ‘against change’. This chapter examines another of these changes: governance