This book makes an important contribution to the existing literature on European social democracy in the wake of the 2008 financial crash and ensuing recession. It considers ways in which European social democratic parties at both the national and European level have responded to the global economic crisis (GEC). The book also considers the extent to which the authors might envisage alternatives to the neo-liberal consensus being successfully promoted by those parties within the European Union (EU). The book first explores some of the broader thematic issues underpinning questions of the political economy of social democracy during the GEC. Then, it addresses some of the social democratic party responses that have been witnessed at the level of the nation state across Europe. The book focuses in particular on some of the countries with the longest tradition of social democratic and centre-left party politics, and therefore focuses on western and southern Europe. In contrast to the proclaimed social democratic (and especially Party of European Socialists) ambitions, the outcomes witnessed at the EU level have been less promising for those seeking a supranational re-social democratization. In order to understand the EU-level response of social democratic party actors to the Great Recession, the book situates social democratic parties historically. In the case of the British Labour Party, it also identifies the absence of ideological alternatives to the 'there is no alternative' (TINA)-logic that prevailed under the leadership of both Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.
rendered viable. This debate, moreover, provides us with an insight into the
question of how we might understand social democratic parties’ supranationallevel responses to the current GreatRecession, and the kinds of outcomes that
have occurred as a result.
The optimists: cosmopolitan social democrats
As noted, for those optimistic about the prospects of a supranational re-social
democratisation of European social democratic parties, European integration
offers an important opportunity to circumvent the obstacles that have impinged
upon the social democratic project (i
Note: 1949–87: West Germany; 1990–2010: Germany including the former German
Source: Infratest Dimap
since the GreatRecession) to a fundamental contradiction in German politics.
Even though the welfare state is highly popular, its actual provisions are subordinated to world market success. Austerity is thus, however grudgingly, accepted
as necessary in order
deliberate planning, the result of
social and economic policies based on universal inclusion.
As a result of the quiet revolution, Europe has achieved postwar peace, prosperity for most Europeans, even in the crisis years following the GreatRecession of
2008, social justice, and ecological protection undreamed of in the US. In Europe
the homicide rate is only a quarter of that in the US, the literacy rate is higher,
and the lifespan of Europeans longer than their American counterparts. Europe
Europe versus America: a summing up
incarcerates far fewer of its
remain formidable, not least the scepticism of many national party actors, who remain consistently reluctant to embrace true transnationalism and concerned to preserve a critical function of TNPs as agents of national principals (Hanley, 2008 ).
A further contextual factor that must be borne in mind is the context of the GreatRecession, wherein the very concept of EU integration (even the EU itself) has faced not just electoral but even existential challenges (with the emergence of the debt crisis and the Greek tragedy being the most
Rethinking the state
Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectful,
and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind. — George Orwell
The United States spent more on its big bank bailout, which helped the banks to
maintain their generous bonuses, than it spent to help those who were unemployed
as a result of the recession that the big banks brought about. — Joseph Stiglitz1
The GreatRecession of 2008 and its aftermath alerted us once again to the dangers
of an unfettered and unregulated market. The US, followed by the UK
’s history. These outcomes follow a pattern seen across a number of Western
Europe’s established democracies in which the ‘deep crisis’ of the GreatRecession
has wreaked havoc on party systems (e.g. Hernández and Kriesi, 2015). The
objective of this book is to assess this most extraordinary of Irish elections both
in its Irish and wider cross-national context. With contributions from leading
scholars on Irish elections and parties, and using a unique dataset – the Irish
National Election Study (INES) 2016 – this volume explores voting patterns at
Ireland’s first post
partners as their relationship reveals deep-seated conceptual differences
concerning norms, visions of power, modes of international engagement
and the organisation of the emerging world order (Michalski and Pan,
2017). Moreover, in the wake of the 2008–9 financial crisis and subsequent
GreatRecession, China and the EU have encountered growing friction in
their economic and trade relationship, the fundamental link between them
(Farnell and Crooks, 2016).
This chapter attempts to uncover a number of diverging and converging trends in the EU–China partnership
The Right and the Recession considers the ways in which conservative activists, groupings, parties and interests in the US and Britain responded to the financial crisis and the “Great Recession” that followed in its wake. The book looks at the tensions and stresses between different ideas, interests and institutions and the ways in which they shaped the character of political outcomes. In Britain, these processes opened the way for leading Conservatives to redefine their commitment to fiscal retrenchment and austerity. Whereas public expenditure reductions had been portrayed as a necessary response to earlier “overspending” they were increasingly represented as a way of securing a permanently “leaner” state. The book assesses the character of this shift in thinking as well as the viability of these efforts to shrink the state and the parallel attempts in the US to cut federal government spending through mechanisms such as the budget sequester.
This is the definitive study of the Irish general election of 2016 – the most dramatic election in a generation, which, among other things, resulted in the worst electoral outcome for Ireland’s established parties, the most fractionalized party system in the history of the state and the emergence of new parties and groups, some of these of a ‘populist’ hue. This was one of the most volatile elections in Ireland (and among one of the most volatile elections in Europe), with among the lowest of election turnouts in the state’s history. These outcomes follow a pattern seen across a number of Western Europe’s established democracies in which the ‘deep crisis’ of the Great Recession has wreaked havoc on party systems. The objective of this book is to assess this most extraordinary of Irish elections, both in an Irish and a wider cross-national context. With contributions from leading scholars on Irish elections and parties, and using a unique dataset – the Irish National Election Study (INES) 2016 – this volume explores voting patterns during Ireland’s first post-crisis election and considers the implications for the electoral landscape and politics in Ireland. This book will be of interest to scholars of parties and elections. It should provide important supplementary reading to any university course on Irish politics. It should also be of interest to general readers interested in contemporary Irish affairs.