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The later Stuart church inherited many of the problems that had been faced by its antecedents at institutional, social, and intellectual levels, but was also rocked by several new and profound challenges. It is important, therefore, to locate the established church within a long-term framework of gradual developments and sharp disjunctures. This book offers an account of how clerics and laymen experienced the events of the period between the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 and the Hanoverian succession of 1714. Politics and religion under the later Stuarts were powerfully intermingled, rather than sharply differentiated categories. Some clerics exercised considerable secular power, whilst many laymen dictated the terms of the church's position at local and national levels. Indeed it could hardly have been otherwise when religious beliefs were made into a shibboleth for holding public office and clerics expounded political maxims from pulpits across the land. Having sketched in the basic framework of relevant events in the later Stuart period, and their historical and geographical contexts, it remains to conclude by drawing them together. Three themes emerge as paramount because of their capacity to ignite contemporary discussion in the light of past experience. These include: the conflicting sources of authority for the Church of England, the relations between clergy and laymen, and the question of how successfully the church exercised its pastoral function.

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John Toland and the crisis of Christian culture, 1696–1722
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This book explores the life, thought and political commitments of the free-thinker John Toland (1670–1722). Studying both his private archive and published works, it illustrates how he moved in both subversive and elite political circles in England and abroad. The book explores the connections between Toland's republican political thought and his irreligious belief about Christian doctrine, the ecclesiastical establishment and divine revelation, arguing that far from being a marginal and insignificant figure, he counted queens, princes and government ministers as his friends and political associates. In particular, Toland's intimate relationship with the Electress Sophia of Hanover saw him act as a court philosopher, but also as a powerful publicist for the Hanoverian succession. The book argues that he shaped the republican tradition after the Glorious Revolution into a practical and politically viable programme, focused not on destroying the monarchy but on reforming public religion and the Church of England. It also examines how Toland used his social intimacy with a wide circle of men and women (ranging from Prince Eugene of Savoy to Robert Harley) to distribute his ideas in private. The book explores the connections between his erudition and print culture, arguing that his intellectual project was aimed at compromising the authority of Christian ‘knowledge’ as much as the political power of the Church. Overall, it illustrates how Toland's ideas and influence impacted upon English political life between the 1690s and the 1720s.

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Protestant liberties and the Hanoverian succession, 1700–14
Justin Champion

The war against tyranny and prejudice 5 . Anglia libera: Protestant liberties and the Hanoverian succession, 1700–14 W ith the publication of the splendid edition of Harrington’s works, Toland secured his position at the heart of a ‘true commonwealth’ interest. This intimate collaboration with elite Whig politicians led to Toland becoming the leading defender of Protestant liberty. This took immediate form in a vindication of the legitimacy of the Hanoverian succession under the terms of the Act of Settlement 1701. For many ‘commonwealthsmen’ around Europe

in Republican learning
Daniel Szechi

In many respects the dynamics of Jacobite resistance remained the same after the Hanoverian succession as they had been before it. They still had two basic options in terms of overthrowing the Guelf regime: military action and subversion. What changed with the arrival of the Guelfs and the Whig regime that came in with them was that subversion became clearly, and by far, the least promising of the two pathways to a Stuart restoration. In previous reigns it was possible to imagine a political revolution such as a Parliament defying King William and

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Abstract only
Andrew Sneddon

avoid confusion, the first section is referred to as unpaginated, the second section as 1st pagination and the third section as 2nd pagination. 14 Carsington Parish Register, 1592–1640 (D.R.O., D2681, A/PI 1/1). 15 See Chapter 1. 16 See Chapter 2. 13 Introduction 5 mainstream Whig ideology and anti-Catholic propaganda. The Historical essay, for example, was in part a defence of the ‘Whiggish’ social and cultural ideology of politeness and sociability. After the Hanoverian succession, his reputation as a dependable Whig and the patronage of the influential ensured

in Witchcraft and Whigs
Daniel Szechi

Parliaments legislate for Scotland.42 Anne’s Scottish ministers were therefore going to have to push a bill establishing the Hanoverian succession in Scotland through a new Parliament, the sitting, Convention Parliament having been set on track for automatic dissolution by William’s death. If the Scots Jacobites re-entered conventional politics they could potentially swing the decision in favour of the exiled Stuarts instead. All of this goes a considerable way towards explaining the re-energisation of the Scots Jacobites. There is no direct evidence of any meetings of

in Britain’s lost revolution?
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John Toland and print and scribal communities
Justin Champion

explicitly used his legal skills to defend toleration and the Hanoverian succession. A fierce prosecutor of Sacheverell, Parker became Lord Chief Justice and ultimately Lord Chancellor of England (April, 1718).5 As a legal officer Parker was a key administrative figure in the succession of George I, meeting him on his arrival in Greenwich in 1714. A popular courtier, Parker also gained favour with George I because of his judgement affirming the King’s rights over his grandchildren. Parker became first Lord of the Regency between 1718 and 1725. As a legal officer, Parker

in Republican learning
Daniel Szechi

by Jacobite subversion of this kind. 63 These M.P.s were in turn directly connected to a network of Jacobite voters and sympathisers who lived in, and sometimes controlled, the boroughs and counties that returned them. There were never very many Jacobite M.P.s and peers in the Parliaments of the three kingdoms before the Hanoverian succession (the largest number being ca. 50 at most in 1714 – out of 548 M.P.s in total in the British Parliament after 1707), but they formed a vital nucleus of opposition. 64 They were inveterate opponents of the government of the

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Abstract only
David J. Appleby

’s farewell sermon, which had been circulating in manuscript form, was finally published in Exeter. Like Calamy’s hagiographies, the publishing of Atkins’s valediction, under the title The God of Love and Peace with Sincere and Peaceable Christians (1715), may yet be shown to reveal as much about Dissent in early eighteenth-century Devon as it does about Atkins’s ejection from ‘East Peters’ in Exeter in 1662. The second decade of the eighteenth century was, of course, a time of considerable national tension, with the Hanoverian succession challenged by the Jacobite rebellion

in Black Bartholomew’s Day
Edward Vallance

Happy Revolution’. Similarly, it spoke of Queen Anne’s title as founded on both hereditary right and statute law, and explicitly abjured the Pretender and upheld the Hanoverian succession. 92 These two texts reflected the way in which, in broader terms, the addresses of 1710 represented a more equivocal demonstration of support for the established Church and the doctrines of non-resistance and passive obedience than has sometimes been acknowledged. Morphew marketed the first part of his collection of these addresses as

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727