The subject of forensic specialist‘s work with human remains in the aftermath of conflict
has remained largely unexplored within the existing literature. Drawing upon
anthropological fieldwork conducted from 2009–10 in three mortuary facilities overseen by
the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH),
this article analyses observations of and interviews with ICMP forensic specialists as a
means of gaining insight into their experiences with the remains of people who went
missing during the 1992–95 war in BiH. The article specifically focuses on how forensic
specialists construct and maintain their professional identities within an emotionally
charged situation. Through analysing forensic specialists encounters with human remains,
it is argued that maintaining a professional identity requires ICMP forensic specialists
to navigate between emotional attachment and engagement according to each situation.
International interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, that ultimately brought the war to
a standstill, emphasised recovering and identifying the missing as chief among the goals
of post-war repair and reconstruction, aiming to unite a heavily divided country. Still,
local actors keep,showing that unity is far from achieved and it is not a goal for all
those involved. This paper examines the various actors that have taken up the task of
locating and identifying the missing in order to examine their incentives as well as any
competing agendas for participating in the process. These efforts cannot be understood
without examining their impact both at the time and now, and we look at the biopolitics of
the process and utilisation of the dead within. Due to the vastness and complexity of this
process, instead of a conclusion, additional questions will be opened required for the
process to keep moving forward.
number of these assumptions help clarify the post-1991
experience of the seven states that had emerged from the previous
Yugoslav space by 2008. Serbian nationalistic aggression surely drove
Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina toward the West and its
alliance structures. Within Yugoslavia, Serbia had the upper-hand in
terms of leadership of the military and political arenas, but it lacked
The Tomašica mass grave and the trial of Ratko Mladić
This article focuses on the judicial consideration of the scientific analysis of the Tomašica mass grave, in the Prijedor municipality of Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Often referred to as the largest mass grave in Europe since the Second World War, this grave was fully discovered in September 2013 and the scientific evidence gathered was included in the prosecution of Ratko Mladić before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Based on the exhaustive analysis of all the publicly available trial transcripts, this article presents how the Tomašica evidence proved symptomatic of the way in which forensic sciences and international criminal justice intertwine and of the impact of the former over the latter on the admissibility of evidence, the conduct of proceedings and the qualification of the crimes perpetrated.
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
2020b ). Forms of violence vary between and within conflicts. For example,
forced witnessing of sexual violence against others – an often overlooked
type of sexual violence – was reportedly common in conflicts in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, eastern DRC and Myanmar, among others ( Touquet, forthcoming ; Chynoweth, 2019a ; Promundo,
2013 ). Genital violence was commonplace against men and boys in conflicts
in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kenya, and has been reported in other settings
), ‘ Conflict-Related Sexual Violence
against Males: Recognition by and Responses of Humanitarian Organisations in
Africa ’ ( Unpublished doctoral
thesis , Nelson Mandela
University , Port
All Survivors Project (ASP)
( 2017 ), Legacies and Lessons: Sexual Violence against
Men and Boys in Sri Lanka and Bosnia and Herzegovina
Rever herself faced threats to herself and her family in Europe and Canada traced to Rwandan forces.
This claim is based on my own conversations with HRW officials during my time working for them.
Barnett , M. ( 2003 ), Eyewitness to Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda ( Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press ).
Berry , M. E. ( 2018 ), War, Women, and Power: From Violence to Mobilization in Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press ).
Bradol , J-H. and Le Pape , M. ( 2017
this is legal, since 2006 ( Daccord, 2018 ). The British Red Cross also
admitted ‘a small number’ of sexual harassment or abuse cases in the
UK ( Gillespie et al. ,
2018 ). This sits in a longer international context, including the
controversies around UN peacekeeping forces, starting with Cambodia in 1993,
encompassing Bosnia and Herzegovina, Guinea, Liberia, Sierra Leone, DRC and Haiti,
which led to the UN concluding in 2013 that the biggest risk in peacekeeping
in Bosnia and Herzegovina .
Vol. 31 ( Oxford :
Berghahn Books ).
( 2009 ), ‘ A Geographers’
Imperative? Research and Action in the Aftermath of
Disaster ’, The Geographical Journal ,
175 : 3 ,
196 – 207 .
Northern Ireland is no longer the relentless headline-maker in the global media it once was, when multiple killings and bombings provided a daily diet of depressing news and images. This book commences with a review of the literature on essentialism and then in the three domains: what has come to be known as 'identity politics'; the nature of nationalism; and power-sharing models for divided societies. It draws out implications for key aspects of the Northern Ireland problem. The book is based on secondary sources on Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (B-H). A key resource is the independent journalistic network in the Balkans responsible for the production of Balkan Insight, successor to the Balkan Crisis Report, a regular e-mail newsletter. The book explores how policy-makers in London and Dublin, unenlightened by the benefit of hindsight, grappled with the unfamiliar crisis that exploded in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. It shows that a taken-for-granted communalism has had very negative effects on societies recently driven by ethnic conflict. The book argues that conflicts such as that in Northern Ireland can only be adequately understood within a broader and more complex philosophical frame, freed of the appealing simplifications of essentialism. More than a decade on from the Belfast agreement, the sectarian 'force field' of antagonism in Northern Ireland remained as strong as ever. Unionism and nationalism may be antagonistic but as individual affiliations 'Britishness' and 'Irishness', still less Protestantism and Catholicism, need not be antagonistic.