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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

Bureaucratic politics in EU aid – from the Lomé leap forward to the difficulties of adapting to the twenty-first century
Adrian Hewitt
Kaye Whiteman

itself became an increasing embarrassment and slowly slid down the scale of Commission priorities. The bolting on to development ‘policy’ of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. Much has been devoted to burying Lomé without appearing to do so. By Lomé IV in 1990 it was arguably brain-dead, if a Convention can so be. Yet it was renewed for a further ambitious ten years, and not five as before. Cotonou capped that in

in EU development cooperation
Abstract only
Myrto Tsakatika

implementation that it undertook – the Tourism Unit, the Med programme, the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO), the Leonardo programme and the Nuclear Safety programmes for Eastern Europe, it became apparent that fraud, irregularities and mismanagement had occurred, but that the Commissioners in charge had no direct active involvement; they were, however, deemed guilty of omissions, since in claiming that they had not known what was going on in their departments, they admitted to serious failures. Once they had found out about the problems, they failed to act on time

in Political responsibility and the European Union
Anna K. Dickson

external (mainly political/security) relations DG Enlargement, along with the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) and the newly created EUROPE AID, both of which deal with the allocation, disbursement and assessment of aid to third countries. The various external relations commissioners meet regularly to coordinate Commission positions. In 1996 the Commission produced a discussion paper on the future of ACP–EU relations. Commonly referred to as ‘the Green Paper’ (CEC, 1997), the text marked the start of a fundamental shift in the Commission position on Lomé

in EU development cooperation
Jonathan Benthall

transferred from the employment of MSF. IRW in Bangladesh was caught between two stools: regarded with suspicion politically by the secular government (which has generally been hospitable to every kind of NGO) and criticized by others as not Islamic enough. The question of mosques was specially significant: ‘ECHO [the European Community Humanitarian Office

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
Eric James
Tim Jacoby

military. As a result, the number of NGOs grew exponentially during the 1990s ( Macrae and Zwi 1994 ). By the late 1990s, substantial funding (up to 60–70%) was provided to NGOs by the largest donors to humanitarian emergencies, the European Community Humanitarian Office and the Office for United States Foreign Disaster Assistance ( Rigby 2001 ). With time, the presence and influence of NGOs

in The military-humanitarian complex in Afghanistan
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Securing Europe in the twenty-first century
Emil Kirchner
James Sperling

Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR), the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO), the Rapid Reaction Mechanism (RRM), and the Committee (funding) for Asia and Latin America (ALA) are located in the Commission. Similarly, the core institutional developments found in the policies of assurance are the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) and the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, both of

in EU security governance