Search results
This article discusses how Armenians have collected, displayed and exchanged the bones of their murdered ancestors in formal and informal ceremonies of remembrance in Dayr al-Zur, Syria – the final destination for hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the deportations of 1915. These pilgrimages – replete with overlapping secular and nationalist motifs – are a modern variant of historical pilgrimage practices; yet these bones are more than relics. Bone rituals, displays and vernacular memorials are enacted in spaces of memory that lie outside of official state memorials, making unmarked sites of atrocity more legible. Vernacular memorial practices are of particular interest as we consider new archives for the history of the Armenian Genocide. The rehabilitation of this historical site into public consciousness is particularly urgent, since the Armenian Genocide Memorial Museum and Martyr’s Church at the centre of the pilgrimage site were both destroyed by ISIS (Islamic State in Syria) in 2014.
-modern social phenomena, from ISIS to the Tea Party to the Hindu nationalist movement associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party ( Mishra, 2017 ). And latterly, with considerable contribution from contemporary technologies of mass communication and voter manipulation, it has been institutionalised through the ballot box. The election (or near-election) of demagogic, right-wing nationalists in Europe in recent years seems indicative of a growing preference for illiberal democracy in the cultural home of liberalism. In opposition to liberal
counter by well-rehearsed claims of cultural relativism. Like John Rawls before him, Steven Pinker has nothing meaningful to say about structural or racial violence. To accept difference is not to accept the existence of ISIS or compromise with a paedophile. There is no ethics of difference from another who has no respect for difference 8 . What we do know is that the ineradicability of difference is often invoked to destroy difference in the name of universality, to murder in the name of peace, to show utter disregard in the name of tolerance. Violence is a Sign
Helps ISIS ’, Daily Beast , 2 September, http://goo.gl/OaBvmr (accessed 28 June 2019) . Dreazen , Y. and Jakes , L. ( 2015 ), ‘ Hostage Review Will Make It Easier for Families to Pay Ransoms ’, Foreign Policy , 22 June, https://foreignpolicy.com/2015/06/22/hostage
. ( 2018 ), ‘Injury and Death during the ISIS Occupation of Mosul and Its Liberation: Results from a 40-Cluster Household Survey’ , Lafta Riyadh , Al-Nuaimi Maha A. , Burnham Gilbert , PLOS Medicine , 15 : 5 , doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1002567 . Moynier
hold a silencing desensitisation with respect to displaced people. As seen previously, these two elements operate as imaginary frames that help to build a certain vision of the world, of politics, and one’s own suffering. However, as Isis Giraldo (2020 : 11) correctly states when speaking of the pedagogies of cruelty and the normalisation of ‘false positives’ 8 in Colombia, these techniques can be understood as ‘crucial elements in the propaganda machine of states, capitalism, and the global modern-colonial project’. First, because the displaced are incorporated
-government-controlled Syria, makeshift field hospitals developed into organised secondary and tertiary care centres and then grass-roots health governance structures. Changes in the political landscape, demonstrated by the appearance of ISIS, meant that Kurdish-controlled Syria and Turkish-controlled Syria introduced independent and unique healthcare systems, regulations and structures which added to the mosaic of roles healthcare workers had to take during the conflict ( Bdaiwi, forthcoming ). Loose networks of local healthcare workers developed into local health directorates to fill
: It appears Médecins Sans Frontières are in Syria without the approval of the Syrian government. Similar to ISIS, they entered the country without our approval. Médecins Sans Frontières are similar to smugglers without borders, criminals without borders, opposers without borders, agents without borders, aggression without borders, and terrorists without borders. 9
European Union, but we do know that the field of international statistics continued to evolve along various lines after the international statistical congress met its end. The International Statistical Institute (ISI), which was established in London in 1885 and still exists today, was in many ways the congress’s natural successor. The founders of the ISI had faithfully attended the final congresses and learned that politics and scholarship, states and statistics were not compatible. The drafters of the ISI statutes and by-laws were careful to avoid establishing close
This book retraces the human and intellectual development that has led the author to one very firm conviction: that the tensions that afflict the Western world’s relationship with the Muslim world are at their root political, far more than they are ideological. It aims to limit itself to a precise scholarly arena: recounting, as meticulously as possible, the most striking interactions between a personal life history and professional and research trajectories. This path has consistently centered on how the rise of political Islam has been expressed: first in the Arab world, then in its interactions with French and Western societies, and finally in its interactions with other European and Western societies. It brings up-to-date theses formulated in the 2000s, in particular in the author’s previous book Islamism in the Shadow of al-Qaeda (2005, 2nd ed. 2010, English ed. 2010), by measuring them up against the lessons of the powerful revolutionary dynamics set off by the “Arab Spring” of 2011, followed by the counter-revolutionary ones.