This book looks at India in the context of a globalized world. It starts by looking at the history of Indian civilization, exploring the roots of Indian identity and highlighting processes such as foreign invasions, foreign trade, cultural imperialism, colonial rule and the growth of Indian nationalism. The founding fathers wanted India to be a liberal democracy and the values enshrined in the constitution were expected to form the basis of a society more in tune with the modern world. The book examines the gradual democratization of Indian politics. Cultural and ethnic divisions in Indian society are examined in depth, as are the problems that have prevented economic development and stood in the way of economic liberalization. The history of India's integration into the global economy is considered, and the opportunities available to the country in the early years of the twenty-first century are detailed. Alternative approaches to the development of the country, such as those put forward by Gandhi, are discussed, and the final chapters consider the Indian government's perception of the Indian diaspora, as well as the changing priorities reflected in India's foreign policy since 1947.
This book provides a sense of the continuing debates about postcolonialism while seeking to anchor some of its key themes and vocabularies securely. It takes as its primary focus, the various reading practices which distinguish and characterise much of the field - practices which for the purpose of this book attend chiefly to literary texts, but which can be applied beyond a strictly literary context to other cultural phenomena. The book introduces some major areas of enquiry within postcolonialism, as well as offers concrete examples of various kinds of relevant reading and writing practices. It provides a brief historical sketch of colonialism and decolonisation, providing the intellectual contexts and development of postcolonialism. The book approaches various attitudes towards nationalist representations in literary and other writings during the busy period of decolonisation in the 1950s and 1960s. It then deals with national traditions and national history, and the conflict between national liberation and imperialist domination. Divisions within the nation such as ethnicity, language, gender and eliteness which threaten the realisation of its progressive ideals are discussed, with attention on Partha Chatterjee's narrative of Indian nationalism and Chinua Achebe's novel Anthills of the Savannah. Other discussions include the re-reading of literary 'classics', the re-writing of received literary texts by postcolonial writers, postcolonial feminist criticism, and migration and diaspora in the context of decolonisation. The 'STOP and THINK' section in each chapter identify focal points of debate for readers to pursue critically.
Chatterjee explores in relation to anti-colonial nationalism in India, although he claims that the innovations he finds in an Indian context are by no means confined to this location. Echoing perhaps Fanon’s three stages of the creation of national consciousness and national culture (which we explored in Chapter 3 ), Chatterjee’s narrative of Indiannationalism in Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World also focuses on three important phases in which nationalism is derived from Western thought – but is transformed as it is turned to new anti-colonial purposes. In
configurations of anticolonial nationalism on the subcontinent.
Until the end of the 1910s, Indiannationalism had
remained a principally middle-class (and elite) phenomenon, despite some
attempts during the Swadeshi period to draw in popular participation in
nationalist agitation. All this was to change from the beginnings of the
1920s as Mahatma Gandhi took decisive steps to transform Indiannationalism, turning
and Dalits. In this sense, his vision of
swaraj – along with the large section of the people who participated in the
1942 movement in the region – transgressed the position of the Congress. At
the same time, Laxman’s political career illustrates how he clearly transcended
the so-called elite barriers associated with Indiannationalism, and features
like ‘territoriality’ that supposedly inhibited the tribals, Dalits and the poor
non-tribals from becoming involved with larger movements like the national
movement. After all, Laxman was hanged for his association with
Congress through the prism of his experiences
in contemporary Belfast politics. Sir Michael O’Dwyer’s
record shows that such fervent imperialism was not confined to Irish
Ireland’s contribution to the growth of Indiannationalism is less easy to assess, despite the evidence of interest on
the part of people like Daniel O’Connell, Margaret Noble and Frank
Anti-militarism is today an unquestioned mainstay of anarchism. This book presents a systematic analysis of anarchist responses to the First World War. It examines the interventionist debate between Peter Kropotkin and Errico Malatesta which split the anarchist movement in 1914. The controversy revolved around conflicting interpretations of the shared ideas of internationalism and anti-militarism. The book analyses the debates conducted in European and American movements about class, nationalism, pacifism and cultural resistance. Just as Kropotkin's position was coherent with his anarchist beliefs, it was also a product of his rejection of the main assumptions of the peace politics of his day. Malatesta's dispute with Kropotkin provides a focus for the anti-interventionist campaigns he fought internationally. Contributions discuss the justness of war, non-violence and pacifism, anti-colonialism, pro-feminist perspectives on war and the potency of myths about the war and revolution for the reframing of radical politics in the 1920s and beyond. The collaboration between the Swiss-based anarchists and the Indian nationalists suggests that Bertoni's group was not impervious to collaboration with groups whose ideological tenets may have been in tension with the ideology of anarchism. During the First World War, American anarchists emphasised the positive, constructive aspects of revolutionary violence by aestheticising it as an outgrowth of individual creativity. Divisions about the war and the experience of being caught on the wrong side of the Bolshevik Revolution encouraged anarchists to reaffirm their deeply-held rejection of vanguard socialism and develop new strategies on anti-war activities.
This book aims to sketch the diversities of south Asian social History, focusing on Orissa. It highlights the problems of colonialism and the way it impacted the lives of the colonised, even as it weaves in the manner in which the internal order of exploitation worked. Based on archival and rare, hitherto untapped sources, including oral evidence, it brings to life diverse aspects of Orissa's social history. These include areas like the environment; health and medicine; conversion (in Hinduism); popular movements; social history of some princely states; and the intricate connections between the marginal social groups and Indian nationalism. It also focuses on decolonisation and its meanings. Alongside, it explores the face of patriarchy and gender-related violence in post-colonial Orissa. While achieving this task, this book follows the track of an inter-disciplinary tradition and draws upon social anthropology and political sociology. The manner in which it engages with and questions the received wisdom of imperialist, nationalist and subaltern historiography would make it attractive to both the specialist and the non-specialist reader. Besides focusing on the history of colonialism and its ruthless progress over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, its concerns include the manner in which the post-colonial ruling classes in decolonised south Asia negotiated a host of problems that were allowed to remain and left unresolved. This book would be of interest to students of history, social anthropology, political sociology and cultural studies. It would also attract those associated with non-governmental organisations and planners of public policy.
necessitated, first, by the Indianization of the
imperial services and, ultimately, by Indiannationalism and
As Anglo-Indian wives had feared, Indian men inherited
the mantle of political power from the British in 1947. Ironically,
however, in light of Anglo-Indian assertions of Indian misogyny,
women also rose to political prominence in both India and Pakistan
previous study of this
area has considered Irish connections with Indiannationalism in any
great depth. 14 This
seemed strange given the fact that there are several obvious indicators
in that direction. For instance, when, in the late 1940s, de Valera
visited India on his anti-partition world tour and Nehru reciprocated
with a visit to Dublin, they both spoke of a longstanding relationship