The distance and difficulty of
transmission, as well as the prohibitive costs involved in
collection, had traditionally regulated news of the Indianempire.
It was considered a great achievement when, in 1797, regular monthly
communication was established between India and London via Basra and
Aleppo. In 1825 the mails from Calcutta to Falmouth took nearly four
The first British Methodist missionaries came to Upper Burma in 1887 and the last left in 1966. They were known as 'Wesleyans' before 1932 and afterwards as 'Methodists'. This book is a study of the ambitions, activities and achievements of Methodist missionaries in northern Burma from 1887-1966 and the expulsion of the last missionaries by Ne Win. Henry Venn, the impeccably evangelical Secretary of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), was the most distinguished and inspiring of nineteenth-century mission administrators. Wesleyan missionaries often found property development more congenial than saving souls. In Pakokku in December 1905, a 'weak' American missionary from Myingyan and a couple of Baptist Burman government officials began 'totally immersing' Wesleyans. Proselytism was officially frowned upon in the Indian Empire. The Wesley high schools were extraordinarily successful during the early years of the twentieth century. The Colonial Government was investing heavily in education. A bamboo curtain descended on Upper Burma in May 1942. Wesley Church Mandalay was gutted during the bombing raids of April 1942 and the Japanese requisitioned the Mission House and the Girls High School soon afterwards. General Ne Win was ruthlessly radical in 1962. By April 1964 Bishop was the last 'front-line' Methodist missionary in Upper Burma and the last European of any sort in Monywa. The book pulls together the themes of conflict, politics and proselytisation in to a fascinating study of great breadth.
The press was an important forum for debate over the future of India and was used by significant groups within the political elite to advance their agendas. This book is the first analysis of the dynamics of British press reporting of India and the attempts made by the British Government to manipulate press coverage as part of a strategy of imperial control. It focuses on a period which represented a critical transitional phase in the history of the Raj, witnessing the impact of the First World War. The book discusses major constitutional reform initiatives, the tragedy of the Amritsar massacre, and the launching of Gandhi's mass movement. Reforms, crises and controversies of the first two decades of the twentieth century ensured that Indian affairs were brought prominently before the British public. The distance and difficulty of transmission had traditionally regulated news of the Indian empire. The Empire Press Union (EPU) worked to facilitate access to official and parliamentary news for overseas journalists and lobbied vigorously to reduce press costs. Reuters was the main telegraph news agency within India. The early twentieth century saw an increased interchange of news and information between Fleet Street and the Indian press. The Minto-Morley partnership was sensitive to the London press and its possible influence, both within domestic politics and indirectly through its impact on Indian politics and Indian-run newspapers. The Times gave sustained support, with Dawson corresponding regularly with the Viceroy on 'the great subject of constitutional Reform'.
1947 was a tumultuous year on the Indian subcontinent. Thoughts of independence were everywhere. On 20 February, the British Government announced that it ‘would grant Indian independence no later than June 1948’.
This was significant. The British had been the only people ever to unify the entire Indian subcontinent into a single political entity – ‘their’ IndianEmpire, or Raj. By 1947, however, these dispirited foreigners were ‘scuttling’. They wanted to decolonise their vast, disparate and
, when Bhutan had provided assistance to the British during their invasion of Tibet, and White had been sent to Bhutan the following year to invest Ugyen as a Knight Commander of the Order of the IndianEmpire (KCIE). For the 1907 mission, White was accompanied by the Assistant Political Officer, an intelligence officer, a consular official, an army captain, an escort of twenty-five soldiers from the 62nd Punjabi Regiment, a hospital assistant and what he terms the ‘usual following’ of servants and bearers (in charge of 264 mule- and pony-loads of baggage), as well as
The Wesleyan missionaries eyed the world beyond their
mission stations with profound suspicion, and neither colonialists nor Burmans knew quite
what to make of the Wesleyans. Stephen Neill suggested that whatever their intentions,
missionaries were ‘tools of governments’, and a young missionary in Kyaukse
suspected that most Burmans assumed they were ‘part of the British Government’. 1
Proselytism was officially frowned upon in the IndianEmpire. Conversion from
one religion to another was highly political and
, riding and games’ playing were sanctioned
and encouraged by their spouses. Anglo-Indian women’s
involvement in sports in the Indianempire – in particular,
their aptitude for hunting and shooting – reveals the
interdependence and interaction of the social construction of gender
and the dictates of British imperialism.
However, Anglo-Indian women’s use of firearms
movement from the Indianempire
in the eighteenth century. By tracking the career of Sir Hector Munro, an Easter Ross laird
who returned home in the 1760s, and again in the 1780s, he demonstrates that imperial profits
from India percolated through Scotland to a much wider extent than was the case with
transatlantic tobacco revenues. He considers how Munro deployed his wealth, looking at his
political aspirations, his charity work and his estate improvements, as well as at the way he
deliberately used these strategies to generate
In 1911, King George V was the first
and last reigning British monarch to visit Britain’s IndianEmpire. His coronation durbar in Delhi represented both the political
and cultural pinnacle of the ritual apparatus developed during the
second half of the nineteenth century, but also the ways in which it was
unravelling in the years before the First World War. It also
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this
volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of
violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities
across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications
of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the
study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical
significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the
myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and
non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the
Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex
than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance.
Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale
violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum,
ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was
privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early
modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent
forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in
activities not officially classed as war.