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This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

Open Access (free)
Crisis, reform and recovery

to be traded would be sufficient to ward off contagion. The Indonesian government, which received much praise for its swift and decisive response to the crisis, went to great lengths to assure jittery investors “that Indonesia was not Thailand.” Then the unthinkable happened. Indonesia suddenly succumbed to the contagion, and measured by the magnitude of currency depreciation and contraction of economic activity, it emerged as the most serious casualty of Asia’s financial crisis. In fact, with an economic contraction of 15 per cent in output in 1998, Indonesia

in The Asian financial crisis
Crisis, reform and recovery

The Asian financial crisis of 1997-98 shook the foundations of the global economy and what began as a localised currency crisis soon engulfed the entire Asian region. This book explores what went wrong and how did the Asian economies long considered 'miracles' respond, among other things. The combined effects of growing unemployment, rising inflation, and the absence of a meaningful social safety-net system, pushed large numbers of displaced workers and their families into poverty. Resolving Thailand's notorious non-performing loans problem will depend on the fortunes of the country's real economy, and on the success of Thai Asset Management Corporation (TAMC). Under International Monetary Fund's (IMF) oversight, the Indonesian government has also taken steps to deal with the massive debt problem. After Indonesian Debt Restructuring Agency's (INDRA) failure, the Indonesian government passed the Company Bankruptcy and Debt Restructuring and/or Rehabilitation Act to facilitate reorganization of illiquid, but financially viable companies. Economic reforms in Korea were started by Kim Dae-Jung. the partial convertibility of the Renminbi (RMB), not being heavy burdened with short-term debt liabilities, and rapid foreign trade explains China's remarkable immunity to the "Asian flu". The proposed sovereign debt restructuring mechanism (SDRM) (modeled on corporate bankruptcy law) would allow countries to seek legal protection from creditors that stand in the way of restructuring, and in exchange debtors would have to negotiate with their creditors in good faith.

Open Access (free)

This brief retelling, drawn from secondary sources and from sometimes conflicting accounts, cannot do justice either to the complex events leading up to Indonesia’s incorporation of East Timor or to the varying interpretations of those events. 1 Moreover, the changed conditions in East Timor and Indonesia may, over time, allow a more complex history to emerge. This section will briefly discuss Timor’s colonial period and aspects of the positions of the Portuguese, the United States, and the Australian and Indonesian Governments leading up to the annexation

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Security and insecurity in Indonesian Aceh and Papua

Tapaktuan, South Aceh: ‘It is no longer permissible for people to act in a neutral manner when it comes to GAM, to say yes to GAM on one side and then yes to the Indonesian government on the other. Starting now it must be clear: if you are NKRI then you must always be NKRI’ (in Serambi Indonesia, 2003 ). Other officers spoke at length about how public servants could no longer work for

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Abstract only

coercive power made it far harder for the Brazilian and Indonesian governments, for example, to fulfil the conditions of their IMF loans, and for the Indonesian government to create investor confidence in the protection of the rule of law. In Brazil, federalism was a large part of the problem. Even when Cardoso succeeded in curtailing the licence for utter fiscal irresponsibility granted to the states in the 1988 constitution, he could not assert the centre’s authority over security, which has put too much of the burden of Brazil’s democracy on increasing incomes, whilst

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Making environmental security ‘critical’ in the Asia-Pacific

Southeast Asia (although this is complicated by various forms of military complicity in illegal logging as well). The case of illegal fishing is perhaps the exemplar case in which disputes over access to and authority over resources is ‘interactive with . . . threat perceptions’ ( Ganesan, 2001 : 520). The Indonesian government has cited illegal fishing (and the economic losses

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific

in a sense of security’ ( Guerin, 2005 ). Arguably, such a perspective has informed the Indonesian government’s pursuit of a peace agreement with separatists in Aceh in mid-2005. Senior figures in the Philippine government were also strongly critical of US military involvement in the campaign against the Abu Sayyaf group. The foreign affairs spokesperson resigned in protest

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Contested narratives of the independence struggle in postconfl ict Timor-Leste

but for the conflict dead in general. On occasion, government figures have made public appeals to the Indonesian government to make information available on the whereabouts specifically of the Santa Cruz dead, but these calls have not been pursued very forcefully (Suara Timor Loro Sa’e 2010). Further official memorials have been built at the sites of other massacres, such as the church in Suai and in the village of Kraras (Kent 2011; Leach 2008). Remembering the civilian dead has also, however, been problematic for post-independence East Timorese governments. As the

in Governing the dead
The case of post-tsunami reconstruction in Aceh

shore. The highly publicized tragedy of the tsunami had the indirect effect of encouraging reconciliation between the Indonesian government and the Aceh independence movement – brokered by Finnish mediators and overseen by European Commission monitors – after a long-running civil conflict. Aceh now has democratic elections, a provincial governor who was formerly a member of the

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times