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Introduction Inter-regional relations between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean (EU–LAC) have not been identified only within the diplomatic and intergovernmental spheres. In fact a prominent inter-parliamentary dialogue between the regions has been promoted since the 1970s, years before the first EU–LAC Executive Summits (Sanahuja 1999 ; Stavridis and Ajenjo 2010 ; Müller et al. 2017 ). The fact that the continents have historically shared the same language, political traditions and culture due to
11 The PURE Project and inter-regional learning Introduction – the nature and spread of learning The universal talent for learning was assumed by the organised community many eras ago to belong in part beyond the family group. Schooling began as organised learning required by the young. It was extended over time through young and into early adult years. Informally in recent centuries, and in formal and at times mandatory ways more recently, it has extended through much of the lifespan to include the education and training of adults; in their own interest, and in
Since the mid-1990s, the European Union has defined the Asia-Pacific as one of its key strategic targets on its ambitious road towards global power. The EU has ever since made consistent efforts to implement strategies, policies and activities in the Asia-Pacific. Over the past decades, big changes have taken place on both sides and the wider world. It is high time to evaluate the EU’s performance in its Asian policy. In fact, the EU is at crossroads with its Asia Pacific policy. On several aspects, the EU is compelled to redefine its interests and roles, and rethink its strategies and policies towards the dynamic and ever-important Asia-Pacific region of the contemporary world. This volume addresses this theme, by elaborating the general context, major issues and countries in the EU’s Asia-Pacific policy. It covers issues and areas of traditional security, economy and trade, public diplomacy, and human security and focuses on the EU’s relations with China, Japan, the ASEAN countries and Australasia.
its strategic partners Brazil (2007) and Mexico (2009). Both trade and political dialogues have in common that they are built no longer around regional or sub-regional schemes – according to the EU paradigm of “pure inter-regionalism” between two integrated blocs that speak with a single voice – but around multilevel formats, according to the changing nature of regionalism (Ayuso and Caballero 2018 ; Gratius 2021 ). Whilst political dialogue started in the 1980s, in the midst of the Cold War, in a context of global interdependence, from the
development gap and the recurring ethnic conflicts that continue to impact upon peace and security in several parts of the continent? This chapter addresses these questions through an examination of the EU’s promotion of regional integration, and inter-regionalism in the context of the Joint Africa–EU Strategic Partnership. The next section considers the rationale behind the EU’s adoption of regional integration as external policy, and how or whether this defines the EU as a normative actor. The third section considers the JAES in some detail, identifying the historical
2 A European pivot towards Asia? Inter-regionalism in a new era Julie Gilson Introduction In 2009, the US Administration launched its new “pivot” towards Asia, based on the conviction that the “lion’s share of the political and economic history of the 21st century will be written in the Asia-Pacific region” (Campbell and Andrews, 2013: 2; Etzioni, 2012). This idea of a return to Asia, or a rebalancing of key international relations, reflected the growing economic and strategic influence of this region, particularly in the light of the failure of Western markets
, these are flourishing at the formal level more so than in terms of substance as genuine fora to reach policy decisions. Susanne Gratius divides institutional dialogues into three categories: (1) a global governance based on inter-regional CELAC–EU and Brazil–EU dialogues; (2) a democratic conditionality-driven dialogue as part of the trade, co-operation and association agreements (Chile, Mexico, Colombia–Ecuador–Peru and Central America); and (3) a shared problem-focused sector dialogue on concrete issues (drugs, migration, social cohesion, environment etc.). Tracing
”. It is very likely that the G20 as a political opportunity has been more important than the twentieth anniversary of the Rio Summit for establishing a deadline to close the negotiation between MERCOSUR and the EU, but that coincidence cannot be disregarded, since the EU–MERCOSUR Agreement also means the closing of a cycle of relations between the EU and Latin America and the Caribbean. That cycle began in the mid-1990s, and it was based on an inter-regional matrix, which sought to establish a deep link between the two regions built on a network of “partnership
number of corporate and institutional sources and will highlight the remarkable diversity of commodities carried on the canals, emphasising not just intra-regional shipments of coal and stone but also inter-regional conveyances of high-value raw materials, foodstuffs and manufactures. The first section explains the data sources and compares the relative extent of the trade on Manchester canals. Section two provides a detailed examination of trade from the point of view of each of Manchester’s canals, before section three examines Manchester’s waterborne trade by
economy of north-west England in the early industrial period, employing thousands of men and women, generating significant local prosperity and provising vital intra- and inter-regional linkages. As Berg and Hudson suggest, in seeking to understand the processes and geography of industrialisation, we should not ignore changes in the wider economy.104 Unsurprisingly, towns dominated service provision, although rural service activity was widespread and growing, especially in terms of dealing activities in the east of the region. Whilst this can be seen as part of a