Constance Duncombe

In this chapter I continue my case study of the representations that frame Iran–US foreign policy discourse. My key objective is to examine Iranian representations of itself, the US and Iran's nuclear program. While the previous chapter outlined US representations of itself (good, rational, leader of the international community) and Iran (dangerous, irrational, aggressive, undeveloped), illustrating how this produces a particular discursive framework through which it understands Iran and its nuclear program, I now do the opposite. In the

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Constance Duncombe

The image of Iran stretches back thousands of years to the time of Cyrus the Great and the Persian Empire. The vast empire covered lands from Asia Minor to Europe and Egypt, and was the largest of its kind until the last emperor was overthrown by Alexander the Great. Thus, the components feeding into Iranian state identity have been continually negotiated and (re)constructed over time. Iranian state identity under the Pahlavi shahs, from 1925 until the overthrow of the last shah in 1979, is often understood as completely distinct from the post-Iranian

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Reassessed
Tracey Nicholls

discussion of Foucault’s attempt to think beyond secular politics, to think about spirituality as a site – or perhaps, as a constitutive attitude? – for revolutionary solidarity, emphasises the centrality of Iran’s theocratic revolution within Foucault’s later political thought, a connection they noted is the central focus of Janet Afary and Kevin B

in Foucault’s theatres
Constance Duncombe

In this chapter I begin my case study of the representations that frame foreign policy discourse between Iran and the US. My key objective is to examine US representations of itself, Iran and Iran's nuclear program. In July 2015 Iran and the US finally reached an agreement on the nuclear issue that allows Iran limited nuclear technological capacity in exchange for the lifting of certain sanctions. However, questions remain about how best to explain the success of this deal, considering the decades of animosity between the two nations, which

in Representation, recognition and respect in world politics
Chowra Makaremi

7 State violence and death politics in post-revolutionary Iran 1 Chowra Makaremi 2 From 9 January to 19 July 2012, the Iranian daily Gooya News, one of the Iranian diaspora’s main information sites, published a series of forty-one articles, entitled ‘Interviews with a torture and rape witness’. The tortures and rapes in question were from the period of violent state repression that gripped the Islamic Republic throughout the 1980s. The interviews give voice to the anonymous testimony of an official involved in the penitentiary and judicial sphere of that period

in Destruction and human remains
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
The case of Iran–US relations

This book addresses a critical issue in global politics: how recognition and misrecognition fuel conflict or initiate reconciliation. The main objective of this book is to demonstrate how representations of one state by another influence foreign policymaking behaviour. The key argument is that representations are important because they shape both the identity of a state and how it is recognised by others. States respond to representations of themselves that do not fit with how they wish to be recognised. The book provides a thorough conceptual engagement with the issues at stake and a detailed empirical investigation of the fraught bilateral relations between the United States and Iran, which is perhaps one of the most significant flashpoints in global politics today. Despite Iran and the US finally reaching an agreement on the nuclear issue that allows Iran limited nuclear technological capacity in exchange for the lifting of certain sanctions, the US withdrew from the deal in May 2018. However, questions remain about how best to explain the initial success of this deal considering the decades of animosity between Iran and the US, which have previously scuppered any attempts on both sides to reach an amicable agreement. Increasing concerns about declining Iran–US relations under the Trump administration suggest even more so the power of recognition and misrecognition in world politics. Scholars and strategists alike have struggled to answer the question of how this deal was made possible, which this book addresses.

An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

of power in the international system, the construction of a more democratic global order; and, on the other, the promotion of an ethical order associated explicitly with human rights, which included the fight against hunger – the product of a policy of ‘non-indifference’, to use your phrase. CA: Sure, there was. And I was often criticised. But in fact many of the critiques came from outside Brazil and were to do with the way we approached human rights – to do with our good relations with Iran, for example. There was a tension, but I don’t think

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce

of all sorts, leading people either to disengage with politics as a whole or to put their trust in strong leaders who promise to rise above the sound and fury’ (2017). In 2018, extensive disinformation campaigns were traced back to Iran, too. More than 600 Facebook pages and 300 Twitter accounts linked to the Iranian regime were shut down for their involvement in a concerted campaign ( Gilbert, 2018 ). According to FireEye, the security firm that discovered the campaign, these accounts were a coordinated operation that leveraged ‘a network

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
José Luís Fiori

national interests ( ibid .: 25–6): 1) Russia and China, the two great ‘revisionist powers’; 2) North Korea and Iran, two ‘rogue states’ that undermine geopolitical equilibrium in Northeast Asia and the Middle East; 3) ‘Jihadist terrorist groups’ and international criminal organisations that propagate violence and traffic drugs and arms. The document offers an extensive list of actions to be undertaken by the US to achieve strategic objectives and confront rivals, from controlling borders to increasing military expenditure and protecting competitive

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs