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British news media, war and theory in the 2003 invasion of Iraq

This book analyses British news media coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. It describes the analytical framework that serves as the basis for theoretically informed and systematic analysis of wartime media performance. The book synthesises a range of models, hypotheses and explanatory variables to set out a framework composed of three models of news media performance: the elite-driven model, the independent model and the oppositional model. It provides three case studies which, in different ways, illuminate each model of news media performance in wartime. The three case studies include the case of Jessica Lynch, the case of Ali Abbas and the case of the anti-war movement. The book then presents an account of how the relationship between foreign policy, news media and war might be expected to operate, based on current theoretical understanding. In order to place British coverage of the invasion in context, the book offers brief summaries of the structure and character of Britain's television news services and its press. The book provides an analysis of the ways in which the news media's visual depictions of the war reinforced supportive coverage. It is devoted to documenting and analysing evidence for negotiated and oppositional coverage. The book also examines the representation of civilian casualties, military casualties and humanitarian operations across both television and press, three subject areas that generated a good deal of media criticism.

Mara A. Leichtman

bloc, Kuwait – which played an effective role in mediating the Gulf crisis – has had interests in Africa that differ considerably from those of Saudi Arabia or even the United Arab Emirates (UAE). A small state very much aware that larger, powerful neighbours might once again desire its oil wealth following the Iraqi invasion of 1990–91, Kuwait has given generously to other nations as part of a strategic foreign policy. Poorer countries have much to offer in return, ranging from soldiers to votes – as evidenced by Kuwait's election to a 2018–19 seat on the United

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Evidence for supportive coverage and the elite-driven model
Piers Robinson
,
Peter Goddard
,
Katy Parry
,
Craig Murray
, and
Philip M. Taylor

-strategic motives for the war, such as the projection of US power. We return to this issue in presenting conclusions from our study in the closing chapter. Summary In many ways, at least at an aggregate level, British news media coverage of the Iraq invasion conformed to the predictions of the elite-driven model. Press and television news relied heavily on coalition sources and supportive battle coverage prevailed even among newspapers that had opted to oppose the war. At the same time, there was substantial support for the WMD and humanitarian rationales for war. Battlefield

in Pockets of resistance
Kathryn Nash

This chapter provides a baseline for comparing the evolution of peace and security norms and practice within the African region and internationally. The bulk of the chapter covers notable international interventions in the post-Cold War period, specifically the United Nations responses to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait as well as humanitarian crisis and conflicts in Somalia and the former Yugoslavia. It also analyzes the evolution of UN peace and security policy through the Agenda for Peace and subsequent reports as well as the creation of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. It ends with a comparison of developments at the regional and international levels to show that peace and security norms and practices in Africa often emerged in tandem or prior to similar developments at the international level.

in African peace
Piers Robinson
,
Peter Goddard
,
Katy Parry
,
Craig Murray
, and
Philip M. Taylor

class spectrum. As Curran and Seaton note (2003: 339), ‘the audience of BBC or ITV news includes most readers of tabloids, but these programmes’ political values are closer to those of The Times and the Observer’. So news broadcasters face the challenge of producing news that is accessible and popular, but which contains an analytical edge and is contextualised sufficiently well that a broadsheet audience will not be dissatisfied. In surveying British television news coverage of the Iraq invasion, we examined the flagship news programmes of four principal nationally

in Pockets of resistance
John Dumbrell

[the neocons] seem to have captured the heart and mind of the President, and they’re controlling the foreign policy agenda.” 3 This notion of post-9/11 neoconservative ascendancy is by no means unchallengeable. The fevered nature of international political discourse in the era of the Iraq invasion tended to militate against rational analysis. For many opponents of the invasion, the term “neocon” became

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Collapse of the Soviet Union and allied victory in the Persian Gulf War
James W. Peterson

relationship with them and their new freedom of orbit. On the other hand, American leadership dealt with strategic challenges from key nations in the Middle East such as Iraq. However, its response differed from that of its counterpart in the Soviet Union, for America resisted the changed status quo after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and essentially brought a halt to it. Thus, the United States and the Soviet Union reacted in very different ways to changes presented by medium-power nations in regions of great importance to them. Second, both American and Russian

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Abstract only
Robert Mason

the consolidation taking place, often in securitised arenas. The task became even more challenging during COVID-19. The Gulf region has experienced tremendous change since the oil boom of 1973 (and again in the early 2000s), including the accumulation of vast wealth, some of which has been deployed in pursuit of state foreign policy objectives. The Middle East regional order, in flux since Egypt's peace with Israel in 1979, the Iranian Revolution the same year, Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990, Turkey's balancing between the EU and Arab world

in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates
Stephen Royle
and
Simon Mabon

Iraq at Arar was opened after a thirty-year closure, dating back to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The opening of the border reflected a round of diplomatic engagement that has taken place since 2015, reflecting a broader changing stance of the Kingdom’s policy towards its northern neighbour. After the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, regional security across the Gulf has been defined by bipolarity, shaped by the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, albeit a form of bipolarity underpinned by US support for Saudi

in Saudi Arabia and Iran
Abstract only
Patterns of support, negotiation and opposition
Piers Robinson
,
Peter Goddard
,
Katy Parry
,
Craig Murray
, and
Philip M. Taylor

8 Conclusion: Patterns of support, negotiation and opposition Overview The conclusion starts by drawing together our multi-channel, multi-newspaper analysis, reviewing our aggregate-level findings from each chapter and summarising the overall performance of UK news media. In so doing, we provide a substantive assessment both of British news media performance during the 2003 Iraq invasion and of the implications of these findings for general claims regarding the elite-driven, independent and oppositional models. In particular, we discuss the implications of our

in Pockets of resistance