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This book explores the issue of a collective representation of Ireland after the sudden death of the 'Celtic Tiger' and introduces the aesthetic idea that runs throughout. The focus is on the idea articulated by W. B. Yeats in his famous poem 'The Second Coming'. The book also explores the symbolic order and imaginative structure, the meanings and values associated with house and home, the haunted houses of Ireland's 'ghost estates' and the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household. It examines the sophisticated financial instruments derived from mortgage-backed securities that were a lynchpin of global financialization and the epicentre of the crash, the question of the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household of Europe. A story about fundamental values and principles of fairness and justice is discussed, in particular, the contemporary conflict that reiterates the ancient Irish mythic story of the Tain. The book suggests correspondences between Plato's Republic and the Irish republic in the deformations and devolution of democracy into tyranny. It traces a red thread from the predicament of the ancient Athenians to contemporary Ireland in terms of the need to govern pleonexia, appetites without limits. The political and economic policies and practices of Irish development, the designation of Ireland's 'tax free zones', are also discussed. Finally, the ideal type of person who has been emerging under the auspices of the neoliberal revolution is imagined.
read as what the English Government allied with Irish industrialists wanted for Ireland, the exhibitions in 1852 and 1853 reveal how an Irish nationalism interacted with the period’s broader imperialism to secure the country’s technological advancement. The exhibitions of the 1850s demonstrate that a hybridity of politics on Irish development were held by Irish men and women within the mixed loyalties
West Germany played a pivotal role in encouraging the Republic of Ireland's adaptation to a 'European' path. This book contends that Ireland recognised that the post- war German economic miracle offered trade openings. It analyses approximately 25 years of Irish-West German affairs, allowing a measured examination of the fluctuating relationship, and terminates in 1973, when Ireland joined the European Communities (EC). The general historical literature on Ireland's post- war foreign relations is developing but it tends to be heavily European Economic Community (EEC), United Nations (UN) or Northern Ireland centred. The Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) is a worthy candidate for such a study as it was Ireland's key trading partner in continental Western Europe. Germany acted as a dynamic force in Ireland's modernisation from the mid- 1950s. Ireland wanted 'to ride the wave of the future', and the challenge was to adapt. This study of Irish- West German relations offers up a prism through which to reinterpret the shifts in Ireland's international reorientation and adaptation between 1949 and 1973. Like any relationship, even a relatively amicable one, the Irish- West German one was prone to strains. Bitter trade disputes beset Irish- German relations throughout the 1950s. The book sheds new light on post- war Ireland's shift from an Anglo- Irish focus to a wider European one. It also discusses land wars, Nazism, the Anglo- Irish Trade Agreement of 1938, the establishment of a 'new Europe' and Lemass's refurbishment of the Irish development model.
The establishment of an independent Irish state was severely complicated by the fact that there was not an Irish nationalism seeking an Irish nation-state as such but rather a range of nationalisms competing for political space and influence in Ireland. The three core versions of nationalism — unionist nationalism, constitutional nationalism, and republican nationalism — fostered different conceptions of the meaning and implications of Ireland's identity, borders, and governance and consequently occupied conflicting positions regarding the ideal notion of Irish nation-statehood. In relation to their opposing views on Britain's role in Ireland, these competing nationalisms also fostered different opinions regarding the relevance of developments in the international context for Ireland. Developments in international affairs, particularly in Europe, had the effect of altering the focus and appeal of each of these versions of nationalism in Ireland. As a result, the need to find a middle ground between constitutional and republican nationalisms shaped the development of official nationalism in the independent Irish Free State after 1922.
This book begins from the assumption that race and empire have been central to early modern and modern British history. It addresses the question of how histories written in the past, in different political times, dealt with, considered, or avoided and disavowed Britain's imperial role and issues of difference. The book considers how we might re-think British history in the light of transnational, trans-imperial and cross-cultural analysis, for British history may come to look very different once it is decentered from the national and placed within an imperial and global framework. It, in the contrary, starts from the premise that the denial of racial and ethnic conflicts inside the United Kingdom together with the absence of race as a central category of analysis in historical writing has significantly limited our understanding of British history. In the final part of the book Kathleen Wilson, Antoinette Burton and Geoff Eley all pose fundamental issues about the terrains of contemporary imperial and domestic history writing and the challenges of transnational and trans-imperial work. Wilson uses her eighteenth-century case studies to think about the ways in which mobility across space and time unsettle the idea of the nation as a collective experience. She asks how the English and British overseas contributed to notions of nationality, moving away from the writings of those who thought of themselves as historians to the writings of those who were crafting new notions of national history and identity in their reports and letters from liminal sites of empire.
were harsh environments for unmarried mothers, many of these women demonstrated some degree of agency and were not merely victims with little control over their lives. At times desertion took place in the knowledge that children often would remain in extended families with the support of boarding-out allowances. The poor knew the workings of the system and engaged with it accordingly, despite the principles of deterrence, social control and segregation that prevailed in many poor relief policies. This book has also demonstrated the importance of placing Irish
and national causes. The visual was a rich site for Irish individuals and groups to work out their politicised existences in a transatlantic forum. Each iteration of Ireland’s display crafted a powerful vision of Ireland as a country and a people. Ideas of Irish development and recovery dominated its exhibits in the nineteenth century, while issues of nation building and commerce became the central
proper powers’.77 In April 1976 Stanley Orme presented the Industries Development (Northern Ireland) Order to the Commons. He said the new Northern Ireland Development Agency (NIDA) would be ‘a much more positive body’ than the NIFC, operating as an ‘agency for setting up State industries . . . especially in areas of high employment where private industry has so far failed to go’ and taking steps ‘to improve and strengthen existing Northern Ireland firms’, such as finding ‘new products and new processes suitable for introduction into Northern Ireland industry’. It
, meaning a condition of mixed temporalities within a process of uneven development. Thus, to a large extent, cutting-edge technology coexists with traditional social relations. Luke Gibbons wrote a while back that: ‘The IDA [Irish Development Authority, which helped bring in foreign investment] image of Ireland as the silicon valley of Europe may not be so far removed after all from the valley of the squinting windows’,26 the latter being an image of traditional rural Ireland. This image of uneven but combined development may serve as a useful and evocative backdrop for
some small way represents a vindication of the aims of an earlier generation of co-operators who attempted to institutionalise a form of credit supply that sat outside the ordinary banking sector. By tracing the influence of the co-operative movement upon the nationalist project in Ireland, this book has argued that the political economy of nationalism contained important co-operative ideas that carried a long-term influence upon Irish development. The type of institutions that emerged in Ireland during the late nineteenth and early twentieth