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Coleman A. Dennehy

5 • The Irish Parliament after the rebellion, 1642–48 coleman a. dennehy Towards the end of the Restoration Parliament in Dublin in 1666, after a series of difficult conferences between the representatives of the Lords and the Commons, relatively convivial relations finally came to the end, as the members of the upper house abruptly left a conference with those from the lower house. It emerged later that the reason behind the fall-­out was the right of the peers to sit while the Commons were meant to ­stand – ­an issue which caused umbrage between the houses

in Ireland in crisis
Bríd McGrath

6 • The recruiter returns to the Irish Parliament, 1642–48 bríd mcgrath An immediate consequence of the outbreak of the 1641 rebellion was to raise the question of whether the next session of the Irish Parliament, which had been adjourned on 7 August 1641 until the following 9 November, should proceed or not and, if so, for how long. In an attempt to control the increasingly volatile situation, the lords justice had issued proclamations denouncing the rebellion, proroguing Parliament, postponing the new law term and banishing all non-­residents from ­Dublin

in Ireland in crisis
The evolution of colonial institution

Traditional histories of parliament, whether Irish or otherwise, have generally treated them as political events. This book considers the seventeenth-century Irish Parliament as an ongoing element within the state. It considers the role of parliament within the context of an overall state apparatus of governance and charts its development over time. While parliament developed in conjunction with the Irish state, local politicians, and local institutions, it was also a colonial institution, taking direction from Westminster on how to operate. Whether by design or by chance, it resembles the Westminster model of parliamentary procedure, but it also had specifically Irish traits in how it dispatched its business. This book describes a developing institution chiefly through the work that it undertook. Most will be well aware of parliament’s work on legislation and the creation of law and also representation of communities and locations, but it spent large amounts of time hearing petitions and undertaking judicial work. It undertook these ever-increasing responsibilities with a growing group of parliamentary officers, who had a wide variety of powers and responsibilities. Naturally this led to a sophisticated set of procedures and privileges in undertaking this work in order to increase its efficiency and productivity. This book discusses topics and describes processes that are still very much a cornerstone for today’s parliamentary democracy in Ireland and will resonate in Irish institutional culture and elsewhere in the common law world.

Ireland as a case study
Author: Gavin Barrett

The role of national parliaments in the European Union (EU) has developed considerably over time. This book focuses on one parliament as a case study in this regard: the national parliament of Ireland, the Oireachtas. The basic structure of that parliament is modelled on that of the United Kingdom. Like the United Kingdom, Ireland joined the then European Communities on 1 January 1973. Within a relatively short period from the date of Ireland's joining the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973, it became clear that major structural change to the Communities would be needed if the EEC were ever to fulfil its potential. The book examines the initial adaptations of its parliament to European integration and how Ireland's domestic parliamentary accommodation of membership slowly changed over time. It focuses on the considerable impact on domestic parliamentary arrangements of the recent banking and foreign debt crises and of the Treaty of Lisbon. An assessment of the role of the Oireachtas in European law and policy during the lifetimes of the 30th Dail (2007-11) and the 31st Dail (2011-16) follows. The book discusses the formation of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on European Union Affairs, which held its first meeting in private on 19 July 2016, and its first public meeting on 7 September. However, Ireland's position as a "slow adaptor" to European integration has meant that the Oireachtas has had more ground to make up than many other legislatures.

Editor: Julian Hoppit

In 1660 the four nations of the British Isles were governed by one imperial crown but by three parliaments. The abolition of the Scottish and Irish Parliaments in 1707 and 1800 created a United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland centred upon the Westminster legislature. This book takes state formation. A number of important points emerge, however, the book deals with three. The first and most obvious point is that the unions were limited in scope and were palpably not incorporating . The second point is that, depending upon the issue, parliament required or encouraged not only different arguments but different voices. The final conclusion to emerge from these essays is that utility of 'national identity' as a way of understanding how people in the period conceived of themselves and their relationship to the state is not as clear and certain as might be first thought. National identity was one amongst a number of geo-political communities people might belong to, albeit a very important one. Inasmuch as the Westminster parliament provided a forum in which debates about how to legislate for three kingdoms took place, in its own way it helped to reinforce awareness of that difference. Liverpool petitions allow us to explore the intersection between policy debate and imperial identity during a pivotal era in the evolution of the British Empire. After 1832, virtual representation, though it survived in many different ways, became associated in the colonial context with nabobs and planters, the very demons of 'old Corruption'.

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War, politics and religion, 1641–50
Editor: Patrick Little

This volume presents cutting-edge research on one of the most controversial periods in Irish history. The essays re-examine key aspects of the decade, including the problem of allegiance and loyalty and the role of central institutions, notably the Irish Parliament and the Church of Ireland. It also provides new perspectives on the nature of alternatives sources of authority, such as the Confederation of Kilkenny, the Roman Catholic Church and the English Parliament. The focus on government is balanced by important new research on popular politics and on regional history, with essays highlighting the reaction to rebellion and warfare in Munster, Connacht and Ulster. The volume also sheds light on the careers of important individuals, including the marquess of Ormond, the earl of Clanricarde, Sir John Clotworthy, Lord Montgomery of the Ards and Oliver Cromwell. The essays are complemented by an introduction which emphasises the general crisis of authority that prevented attempts at reaching a peace deal and brought Ireland into a new war of religion by the end of the decade, with Oliver Cromwell emerging as the brutal victor.

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Coleman A. Dennehy

Conclusion One of the most dangerous and more persistent assumptions about the early modern Irish Parliament, especially in the seventeenth century, is that due to its dependence upon the English model for direction in precedence and procedure it was simply a carbon copy of the English assembly. For example, questions of procedure are often treated entirely with reference to the example of England as if the answer can invariably be found by looking to the studies of the

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
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Coleman A. Dennehy

HISTORIOGRAPHICAL TRENDS IN IRISH PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY There is a near absence of historiographical debate on the Irish Parliament as parliament in the seventeenth century. The English assembly has had a different experience. Victorian historians, often personified by the now much maligned Stubbs, subscribed to what has now become known as a ‘whig interpretation of history’. 1 As such, a vibrant and confident Victorian society sought to place its parliament, erroneously considered at the time as ‘the

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
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Mills and acts
Coleman A. Dennehy

THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF LEGISLATION Without doubt, the over-riding concern of Irish historians who attempt to come to understand parliament and the creation of law is Poynings’ Law. One would struggle to find a publication on the Irish Parliament in the early modern period which does not cover it in some detail. Whereas generations of English historians sought to legitimise the role of the English Parliament and later to explain its role, Irish historians have traditionally used their parliamentary history to come to a better understanding of relations

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
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James G. Patterson

Introduction In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, long-term grievances over the domination of the Irish parliament by the Imperial government, as well as the subsidiary status of Ireland’s economy to that of Britain, led to a movement for reform. Backed by the Volunteers (local military units nominally raised to defend Ireland while much of its regular garrison was engaged abroad during the conflicts centred on the American Revolution), these socalled ‘patriots’ sought to take advantage of the climate of fear created in Whitehall by the events in

in In the wake of the great rebellion