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Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps
,
Lasse Heerten
,
Arua Oko Omaka
,
Kevin O'Sullivan
, and
Bertrand Taithe

given that sense of belonging in the distribution of power and resources. This is why there appears to be a common view that Nigeria is not united. Bertrand: Kevin, can you tell us where Biafra matters from your perspective? Kevin: When I first came to work on Biafra, it was because of the impact it had on Ireland and, in particular, how a crisis of that nature transformed the way that Irish people encountered the Third World [ Bateman, 2012 ; O

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Critical reflections on the Celtic Tiger

Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.

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The conservative revolutionaries
Gary Murphy

traditional alternatives to Fianna Fáil since the foundation of the state. And yet it was all so different. From the time Fianna Fáil won the 1997 general election to when it was re-elected for a third time under Bertie Ahern in 2007, Ireland was the economic success story of modern Europe. A soaring economy, nicknamed the Celtic Tiger, based primarily on a construction boom and massive borrowings, saw full employment, a rise in standards of living, and an end to emigration, long the scourge of Irish people. There were significant decreases in both personal and corporation

in Electoral competition in Ireland since 1987
World war and an Irish rebellion
Sonja Tiernan

the Irish National Volunteers. A minority of members, approximately 12,000 men, remained loyal to the leader of the Irish Volunteers, Eoin MacNeill, and the director of the organisation, Padraig Pearse. Redmond made his pledge to support the British war effort in the House of Commons and thousands of Irish men responded by enlisting in Irish regiments of the British army. In response, GoreBooth’s friend Francis Sheehy Skeffington began organising anti-military meetings in Dublin attesting that Redmond simply ‘sold Irish people to the British army for nothing.’28

in Eva Gore-Booth
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Maude Casey

15 Writing as survival Maude Casey In 1986–87 I wrote a novel, Over the Water, in the voice of a fourteenyear-old girl called Mary, whose parents are Irish immigrants.1 This chapter considers the novel as a response to pressures experienced by Irish people in Britain during the 1980s in the context of Britain’s war in the Six Counties. It reflects upon impacts of being Irish in Britain before, and during, the terror imposed by the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), from 1974 onwards. It notes the rise of second-wave feminism in creating opportunities for women

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
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Shelley in Ireland
Andrew Hadfield

In February 1812, Percy Bysshe Shelley and his new wife, Harriet, sailed to Ireland, as it ‘seemed the obvious place to get his propaganda poems printed, and to make his first venture into political activism’ and ‘to campaign for the repeal of the Union between Ireland and Britain, and to play their part in the fight for Catholic emancipation’. 1 The result was the publication of the pamphlet, An Address to the Irish People , which Shelley had started writing in January and which he published

in Literature and class
Laura O’Reilly

took away certain civil liberties for Irish people living in Britain simply because of their ethnicity. However, for Hillyard, one of the most troubling aspects of this was that it created a suspect community not only for the authorities, but also for the public too,42 and this had a greater, negative impact on regular, innocent Irish people. The O’Reillys Ben and Margaret O’Reilly, my grandparents, emigrated in 1963 from Cavan, in the Republic of Ireland, on the border of Northern Ireland, DAWSON 9780719096310 PRINT (v2).indd 289 14/10/2016 12:19 290 Memory

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
Tom Inglis

an assumption within the core of much of what constitutes Irish studies that somehow, over generations, the Irish have developed a habitus, a way of seeing and being in the world, that differs from the habitus and practices of other nationals. It is this national habitus, shared at least in part with all Irish people wherever they are, which helps explain not just Irish cultural difference but also perhaps Irish social, economic and political behaviour. If then, we are to make the argument that the Irish are culturally different, and that this difference is

in Are the Irish different?
Ebun Joseph

the symbolic use of colour in emphasising the perceived difference of racialised Irish people in their diaspora settings. It also discusses how whiteness has historically been mobilised to centralise Irish interests both at home and abroad. The cartography of the top tiers of the Irish labour market presents us with a false picture of a ­monocultural Ireland. This is in contradiction to Census data which demonstrate the presence of newcomers within its borders, including Ireland’s indigenous ethnic minorities – the Irish Travellers. A key argument in the chapter is

in Critical race theory and inequality in the labour market
Tony Kushner

described in his diary their pitiful state on his journey from Bermuda to South Africa. Numbering nearly two hundred, most of them, he stated, were ‘so shattered in constitution by mere hunger and hardship, that all the deaths amongst the prisoners, ever since we embarked, have been Irish’.82 Furthermore, the anger that powers Mitchel’s 56 Constructing migrant journeys account was motored by the misery inflicted upon the Irish people as a whole culminating in the famine. His account of the journey was used to expose the exploitation that preceded it. Mitchel’s published

in The battle of Britishness