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Author: Guy Austin

In terms of the so-called 'clash of civilisations' after '9/11', Islamic states such as Algeria have too often been perceived in the West as 'other' and hence as threatening. This book, via an analysis of cinema, provides a discussion on some misunderstandings and assumptions about Algeria, which remains to a large extent underrepresented or misrepresented in the UK media. It is about Algerian national cinema and illuminates the ways in which the official mythologising of a national culture at the 'centre' of the postcolonial state has marginalised the diverse identities within the nation. Tahia ya didou occupies a pivotal position between fiction and documentary, capturing the hectic modernization of the Boumediene era while reflecting back on the aftermath of historical trauma. La Citadelle presents gender differences as culturally engrained and patriarchal power as secure. Youcef, Bab El-Oued City and Rome plutôt que vous present differing visions of how a Freudian melancholia in the shadow of a crushed revolt might relate to Algerian experience after Black October. Lettre à ma soeur listens to the voices of the subaltern; the film is a sense of re-emergence that follows the initial insurgency of Nabila's activism, the trauma of her killing and the subsequent years of silence and self-imposed incarceration.

Imogen Richards

This chapter accounts for US-led interventions in Iraq from the 1990s to 2003 and discusses key fundraising and financial management practices on the part of Islamic State from 2014 to 2017. Drawing on think-tank research, declassified intelligence reports, and administrative materials produced by Islamic State actors, the analysis reflects on the relative importance of financial institutions, oil and gas, other natural resources, and financial governance within the Caliphate, and the organisation’s historical fundraising. Islamic State’s actions are in this context interpreted in relation to the impact of neoliberal economic restructuring in the Middle Eastern region, drawing on Jamie Peck’s theory of ‘neoliberal layering’. Islamic State’s practices are also analysed for their neoliberal features, with reference to Bourdieusian and neo-Marxist ideas. Using a neo-Marxist lens to compare the financial behaviour of Al Qaeda and Islamic State, the discussion further considers the extent to which their different financial behaviour exists in a recursive relationship with each organisation’s geo-economic orientation. The divergent geo-economic and territorial interests of Al Qaeda and Islamic State are a point of focus in this chapter, as is the extent to which these characteristics can be said to characterise differentiated organisational models of neo-jihadism.

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Imogen Richards

This chapter establishes a frame of inquiry through which the dialectical engagements of the anti-capitalist posturing and quasi-capitalist practices of the neo-jihadist organisations, Al Qaeda and Islamic State, are investigated in later chapters. In doing so, it provides a brief history of neoliberalism, extending from the US and UK administrations of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, beginning in 1979 and 1980 respectively. It elaborates on neo-Marxist geo-economic theory presented by David Harvey, Bob Jessop, and Jamie Peck, in preparation to apply this theory to explain Al Qaeda and Islamic State’s respective geo-economic interests. Theories of neoliberalism, the forms of capital, and dialectics in Bourdieusian theory are also outlined, as is Bourdieu’s influence on the research design of the book. The final part of the chapter explains the data collection and methods of analysis used in the chapters, as well as the key sources used and research limitations.

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
The case of the Islamic State
Tom Kaden and Christoph Günther

The purpose of this chapter is to analyse the ways in which the Islamic State generates and upholds its message through what are termed recognition orders, that is, complex sets of recognition by various actors for various traits and reasons, as well as complex sets of claims for recognition towards various actors as to what is to be recognised about the Islamic State in which way. This means that any act of recognition, non- or mis-recognition is part of a social relationship between those granting (or denying) and those the act is directed towards. Consequently, recognition and its others (non- and mis-recognition) are constituted reciprocally.

Considerations are based on an examination of twenty-three authoritative statements as well as a few texts and videos wherein the Islamic State’s ideologues emphasised particular sets of traits the group aspired to being recognised for as well as sets of actors from which the group sought recognition. These sets of traits and their variation correspond to the series of organisational stages the Islamic State underwent before and after its proclamation as the Caliphate in 2014. The chapter proposes two different sets of analytical questions, the answers to which reveal the complex recognition regime of which the Islamic State is part. The history of the Islamic State and its predecessor organisations is shown to be highly volatile in terms of the content and scope of the recognition it demands.

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
Chris Miller

the hudud laws. But what is said about slavery applies to those laws too in some measure. The tendency within the Koran is to counsel mercy in such cases and make very high evidentiary demands before they can be enforced. As Abou El Fadl tells us, for ‘most of Islamic history, the hudud penalties have had a very limited impact on the socio-cultural practices of Muslims’.2 There would therefore seem to be scope for arguing for a very widespread application of mercy by the rulers of Islamic states in which they are applied (which is by no means all such states). Dr

in Religion and rights
Abstract only
Chen Kertcher

operated on behalf of changing the composition of the Security Council and its powers and procedures. It seems that China supported a variety of UN goals in Somalia, even though these totally contradicted the principles of the traditional operations, while the United States opposed the operation in Somalia from the beginning of 1994, and tried to block the advancement of these peacekeeping operations in accordance with the second-generation concept. Simultaneously, the United States worked together with Islamic states to promote enforcement and promote human rights in

in The United Nations and peacekeeping, 1988–95
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family
Author: Joe Turner

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Philip Proudfoot

. I will return to these points later in this chapter, but for now, let me present by way of introduction one example of a widespread conspiracy among workers that purports to explain Islamic State’s real origins. That theory is here being recounted to me by Shadi: “I’ll tell you how I know [they] are not real Muslims and are actually regime gangs. Look at what happens when they capture someone

in Rebel populism