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Has illiberalism brought the West to the brink of collapse?
Series: Pocket Politics

The West of which we speak is defined by the values of liberal democracy, individual freedom, human rights, tolerance and equality under the rule of law. This book explores how Islamist terror and Russian aggression as companion threats to the West when terrorists target Russia as well as the United States and its allies. The threats posed by Islamist terror and Russian aggression present themselves in very different ways. In the time of transatlantic traumas, the Islamist terrorist threat and the Russian threat have worked diligently and with some success. The book examines the hatred of Islamists towards Western democracies, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union for their involvement in the Middle East politics for several decades. There is no single explanation for the rising popularity of illiberalism in the Western democracies; a combination of factors has produced a general sense of malaise. The book discusses the sources of discontent prevailing in the Western countries, and looks at the rise of Trumpism, Turkey and its Western values as well as the domestic tensions between Turkey's political parties. It suggests a radical centrist populist Western strategy could be applied to deal with the threats and challenges, reinvigorating the Western system. The book also touches upon suggestions relating to illiberalism in Europe, Turkey's drift away from the West, and the Brexit referendum.

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The West, its ideas and enemies
Stanley R. Sloan

threat has appeared. As author Thomas Ricks has recently observed, in the 1930s “The end of the Western way of life, and especially the death of liberal democracy, was a common theme in cultural life.” 3 And we all know what came next. The transatlantic traumas of 2016–17 have once again put the West in jeopardy. The combination of external threats from Russia, disruptive radical Islamist terror and internal weaknesses in Western social, economic and political systems has formed a perfect storm. That storm endangers not only the security of Western democracies but

in Transatlantic traumas
Stanley R. Sloan

As President I wanted to share with Russia … which I have the right to do, facts pertaining to terrorism and airline safety … plus I want Russia to greatly step up their fight against ISIS & terrorism.” 1 Donald J. Trump, after sharing highly classified intelligence with the Russian Foreign Minister and Moscow’s Ambassador to the United States How can we see Islamist terror and Russian aggression as companion threats to the West when terrorists target Russia as well as the United States and its allies? Isn’t this why President Trump has argued for

in Transatlantic traumas
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‘What’s there is there’
Ben Cohen and Eve Garrard

shunted aside by a realist aversion to the project of ‘nation-building’. Antisemitism has continued to rise in Europe, symbolised most grotesquely by the Islamist terror attacks against institutions and people belonging to a community, the European Jews, that makes just 10 per cent of the global Jewish population of 15 million. In the democratic world, classically liberal approaches to government have been seriously challenged by protectionist and nativist forces on both sides of the Atlantic. On the level of emotion, that perhaps explains why the loss of Norman Geras

in The Norman Geras Reader
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Military operations
Michael Clarke

first, its political outcome can only be regarded as minimally successful in strategic terms, leaving behind an Afghanistan that barely coped with renewed civil war and again became a haven for Islamist terror groups. Finally, the western world may have been glad to see the end of the Gaddafi regime in Libya, but none of its immediate strategic objectives were well served by the operation. The whole scorecard indicates that a generally favourable picture of British military performance did not translate naturally into

in The challenge of defending Britain
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Nadia Kiwan

.legifrance.gouv.fr/​affichTexte.do?cidTexte=JORF TEXT000022911670; accessed 28 June 2017. 3 In 2018, there were three further notable Islamist terror attacks in Carcassonne and Trèbes, Paris, and Strasbourg. 4 Loi du 9 décembre 1905 concernant la séparation des Eglises et de l’État. Available at www.legifrance.gouv.fr/​affichTexte.do?cidTexte=LEGITEXT000006070169&dateTexte= 20080306; accessed 20 June 2019. 5 In the UK, whilst UKIP has lost much of its momentum since the 2016 Brexit referendum, it is arguable that its discourse has impacted political, public and media debates about immigration and national

in Secularism, Islam and public intellectuals in contemporary France
Guy Austin

in increasing atrocities which eventually claimed up to two hundred thousand lives (see Chapter 7 ). Among the targets of Islamist terror groups were performers championing Berber identity: the poet Tahar Djaout was killed in 1993, the singer Lounès Matoub in 1994. The filming of all three of our case study films in Kabylia proved problematic and hazardous. Work on Machaho , for instance, was delayed when in

in Algerian national cinema
Mourning and melancholia
Guy Austin

Islamist terror and state counter-terror) and the white light of the dying writers, who ‘flicker out, like lamps’ (Djebar 2000 : 131). Djebar repeatedly compares Algeria to a place of ‘shadow and darkness’, a torture chamber of ‘sticky darkness’, a ‘dark kingdom’ where ‘half of the land’ has been seized by ‘hideous shadows’, plunging the country into ‘an Algerian night’ that can no longer be dismissed as

in Algerian national cinema
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From lost sites to reclaimed images
Guy Austin

victims of the 1990s conflict: women. When Fifiis kidnapped and then killed by a client who happens to be a member of the security service, her death stands as a symbol of the fate of thousands of women in Algeria during the black decade (primarily, it must be said, at the hands of Islamist terror groups such as the GIA – see Chapter 7 ). The threat of fundamentalism against women’s bodies is expressed through Papicha’s fear of

in Algerian national cinema
David Brown

credibility of the EU in this area. However, what emerged from a more rigorous and comprehensive assessment of official results and reports on both terrorist incidents and perceptions of security on the part of the now twenty-seven member states casts doubt on the official labelling of terrorism as a ‘matter for common interest’ for all member states, beyond the rhetorical level of solidarity and support. For both traditional secular terrorist groups and the wider Islamist terror threat – with all the associated baggage regarding its global nature – the results provided

in The European Union, counter terrorism and police co-operation, 1992–2007