The West of which we speak is defined by the values of liberal democracy,
individual freedom, human rights, tolerance and equality under the rule of law.
This book explores how Islamist terror and Russian aggression as companion
threats to the West when terrorists target Russia as well as the United States
and its allies. The threats posed by Islamist terror and Russian aggression
present themselves in very different ways. In the time of transatlantic traumas,
the Islamist terrorist threat and the Russian threat have worked diligently and
with some success. The book examines the hatred of Islamists towards Western
democracies, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union for
their involvement in the Middle East politics for several decades. There is no
single explanation for the rising popularity of illiberalism in the Western
democracies; a combination of factors has produced a general sense of malaise.
The book discusses the sources of discontent prevailing in the Western
countries, and looks at the rise of Trumpism, Turkey and its Western values as
well as the domestic tensions between Turkey's political parties. It
suggests a radical centrist populist Western strategy could be applied to deal
with the threats and challenges, reinvigorating the Western system. The book
also touches upon suggestions relating to illiberalism in Europe, Turkey's
drift away from the West, and the Brexit referendum.
threat has appeared. As author Thomas Ricks has recently observed, in the 1930s “The end of the Western way of life, and especially the death of liberal democracy, was a common theme in cultural life.” 3 And we all know what came next.
The transatlantic traumas of 2016–17 have once again put the West in jeopardy. The combination of external threats from Russia, disruptive radical Islamistterror and internal weaknesses in Western social, economic and political systems has formed a perfect storm. That storm endangers not only the security of Western democracies but
As President I wanted to share with Russia … which I have the right to do, facts pertaining to terrorism and airline safety … plus I want Russia to greatly step up their fight against ISIS & terrorism.” 1
Donald J. Trump, after sharing highly classified intelligence with the Russian Foreign Minister and Moscow’s Ambassador to the United States
How can we see Islamistterror and Russian aggression as companion threats to the West when terrorists target Russia as well as the United States and its allies? Isn’t this why President Trump has argued for
In times of national security, scholars and activists who hail from the
communities under suspicion attempt to draw readers and listeners to the
complexity of the world we inhabit. For those who campaigned against the SUS law
in the 1980s, when young Black men were being routinely stopped in the streets,
the wave of counter-terrorism legislation and policy that exists today will be
very familiar. Similarly, recent discussions about the impact of drill music in
the culture of young Black men has drawn questions around the ways in which they
should be securitised, with senior police calling for the use of terrorism
legislation against them. In this environment, when those who study and have
lived alongside the communities who are at the scrutiny of the state raise
questions about the government, military and police policy, they are often shut
down as terrorist-sympathisers, or apologists for gang culture. In such
environments, there is an expectation on scholars and activists to condemn what
society at large fears. This volume is about how that expectation has emerged
alongside the normalisation of racism, and how these writers choose to subvert
the expectations raised on them, as part of their commitment to anti-racism.
shunted aside by a realist aversion to the project of ‘nation-building’. Antisemitism has continued to rise in Europe, symbolised most grotesquely by the Islamistterror attacks against institutions and people belonging to a community, the European Jews, that makes just 10 per cent of the global Jewish population of 15 million. In the democratic world, classically liberal approaches to government have been seriously challenged by protectionist and nativist forces on both sides of the Atlantic.
On the level of emotion, that perhaps explains why the loss of Norman Geras
This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.
first, its political outcome can only be regarded as
minimally successful in strategic terms, leaving behind an Afghanistan
that barely coped with renewed civil war and again became a haven for
Islamistterror groups. Finally, the western world may have been glad to
see the end of the Gaddafi regime in Libya, but none of its immediate
strategic objectives were well served by the operation. The whole
scorecard indicates that a generally favourable picture of British
military performance did not translate naturally into
bases across Africa
surfacing in connection with a campaign against the Islamistterror organisation
Boko Haram. In this way, the drone is itself producing ever-new ‘zones of
war’ (Shaw 2013 : 553).
The US's pole position in terms of drone use and acquisition is,
however, less certain today than it seemed a decade ago. The number of countries
in possession of armed drones has risen to nearly thirty, and an estimated ninety
credibility of the EU in this area.
However, what emerged from a more rigorous and comprehensive assessment
of official results and reports on both terrorist incidents and perceptions of security on the part of the now twenty-seven member states casts doubt on the official labelling of terrorism as a ‘matter for common interest’ for all member states,
beyond the rhetorical level of solidarity and support. For both traditional secular
terrorist groups and the wider Islamistterror threat – with all the associated baggage regarding its global nature – the results provided
TEXT000022911670; accessed 28 June 2017.
3 In 2018, there were three further notable Islamistterror attacks in Carcassonne and
Trèbes, Paris, and Strasbourg.
4 Loi du 9 décembre 1905 concernant la séparation des Eglises et de l’État. Available at
20080306; accessed 20 June 2019.
5 In the UK, whilst UKIP has lost much of its momentum since the 2016 Brexit referendum, it is arguable that its discourse has impacted political, public and media
debates about immigration and national