This book examines the underlying foundations on which the European Union's counter-terrorism and police co-operation policies have been built since the inception of the Treaty on European Union, questioning both the effectiveness and legitimacy of the EU's efforts in these two security areas. Given the importance of such developments to the wider credibility of the EU as a security actor, it adopts a more structured analysis of key stages of the implementation process. These include the establishment of objectives, both at the wider level of internal security co-operation and in terms of both counter-terrorism and policing, particularly in relation to the European Police Office, the nature of information exchange and the ‘value added’ by legislative and operational developments at the European level. The book also offers a more accurate appraisal of the official characterisation of the terrorist threat within the EU as a ‘matter of common concern’. In doing so, not only does it raise important questions about the utility of the European level for organising internal security co-operation, but it also provides a more comprehensive assessment of the EU's activities throughout the lifetime of the Third Pillar, placing in a wide and realistic context the EU's reaction to the events of 11 September 2001 and the greater prominence of Islamist terrorism.
period against both Russia and Islamistterrorism. The two tasks in many ways have become thoroughly interactive. Russia seeks to use the West’s open democratic systems to influence electoral outcomes to favor its interests while ISIL and similar groups use the freedoms presented by liberal democratic systems to engage in attacks against those systems. As retired general David Petraeus testified before the US House Armed Services Committee in February 2017, “President Putin … understands that, while conventional aggression may occasionally enable Russia to grab a bit
as a whole.
Traditional terrorism – a lingering impact
Before moving on to the issue of Islamistterrorism, which has dominated the
security agenda in the wake of 11 September, it is worth considering the lingering impact of traditional, secular terrorism beyond 2000. As the EU began providing its own, more detailed assessment in this period, covering both the scale
of terrorist attacks and the policing and judicial measures taken to combat it,
subsequent analysis will be based primarily on its results. While the US State
Department continued with its overall
An ad hoc response to an enduring and variable threat
-border Islamistterrorism supported by Pakistan as part of its proxy war against the Indian state. It is important to underscore that towards the end of the 1990s, Pakistan lost control over the local tanzeems it supported in Kashmir, as several of these groups began to look beyond the ISI for support, funding and training. 23 This both augmented and further complicated Islamistterrorism within India. Furthermore, as will be discussed below, even Pakistan's militant proxies, such as Lashkar-i-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad, which in the post-9/11 period had moved more
cooperating with Russia against Islamistterrorism? Good questions. There are answers.
The threats posed by Islamist terror and Russian aggression present themselves in very different ways. But they have one thing in common: both seek to create political and economic chaos in the West, undermining Western economic, political and security systems and, in extremis, creating a new world order in which the West is not the dominant player. They are by no means the only authoritarian regimes out there, but they are the two that most actively seek to undermine the Western system
affiliation. 8 This system remained until the 2005 referendum, which restored multiparty politics within Uganda, although the recent abolition of term limits and the intimidation of the opposition that has taken place in recent elections have left questions over how democratic Uganda now is. 9
From the mid-1990s onwards, Uganda experienced both domestic terrorism and transnational Islamistterrorism. Domestic non-state terrorism arrived in 1996 in the form of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), who began by attacking border posts along the Uganda
Preventing ‘radicalisation’, ‘violent extremism’ and ‘terrorism’
and the role of ‘ideology developed in third countries and messages broadcast
or sent into Europe’, as areas that would need to be addressed.54
The period from January 2009 to March 2015 was characterised by further evolution in the ‘radicalisation’ strand of the ‘fight against terrorism’ discourse. The EU began to embrace a broader understanding of the
‘radicalisation’ process, noting that ‘radicalisation’ should not be seen as a
process limited to just one form of terrorist threat. The removal of all references to ‘Islamic’ or ‘Islamistterrorism’ during this
Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.