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Introduction According to the Australian 2016 census, there are 604,200 Muslim Australians – 2.6 per cent of a total population of approximately 23.4 million. Almost 40 per cent are Australian born, and of the 60 per cent born overseas the mix is highly diverse, originating from 183 different countries (Hassan 2015 ). In Australia, particularly since 11 September 2001 (9/11), the view of Islam and Muslims has been influenced by the growing discourse of Islamophobia (Poynting and Briskman 2018 ). It could be argued that
2018. Like many of their European counterparts, for several decades, French political forces had thrown themselves into defiant electioneering one-upmanship against their fellow citizens descended from Muslim immigration. Since 2018, this posture has no longer been the sole preserve of extreme-right opposition forces. It has become the position of a quasi-majority of the political field. Far more consequentially: it has become the policy of the government of President Emmanuel Macron. In what follows, this chapter will examine the historical roots of Islamophobia in
danger to society. Individuals are influenced by this and these individuals are in turn part of the institutions where policies are developed. As a result, racist policies are developed and introduced. This discourse not only influences policy, but also leads to interpersonal forms of Islamophobia. Since 2015, there has been a growth in far-right groups such as Pegida across Europe and in the Netherlands. These groups regularly hold protest actions against refugee reception and against the construction of mosques. Pegida has also carried out attacks
Introduction This chapter provides an overview of the salient features of Islamophobia in the United Kingdom (UK). It explores how the concept is related to ongoing issues of racism, orientalism, and social exclusion, all of which are perpetuated by a deepening sense of ethnic nationalism, which is exclusionary to both indigenous-born minorities who are citizens of the state and outsiders, including white and Christian groups that herald from European Union (EU) Christian-majority nations. This virulent nationalism aims to
The so-called ‘War on Terror’ ushered in a new era of anti-Muslim bias and racism. Anti-Muslim racism, or Islamophobia, is influenced by local economies, power structures, and histories. However, the War on Terror, a conflict undefined by time and place, with a homogenised Muslim ‘Other’ framed as a perpetual enemy, has contributed towards a global Islamophobic narrative. This edited volume examines the differing manifestations of Islamophobia, as well as resistance and activism combating it across multiple international settings, spanning six continents. The volume maps out categories of Islamophobia across the global North and South.These are the localised histories, conflicts, and contemporary geopolitical realities in the context of the War on Terror which have influenced and textured the ways that Islamophobia has manifested. This ranges from limited instances of racial violence and hate crimes to more pronounced co-dependent relations between interpersonal and institutional racism that have culminated in genocide. This book presents a nuanced appreciation of specific themes that critically engage with the complexity and evolution of Islamophobia in the War on Terror. It provides up-to-date accounts and analysis of Islamophobia across the global North and South and its impact on the political landscape of differing country contexts. Furthermore, this book explores resistance and the need for activism that confronts interpersonal and institutional racism, with the aim of constructing a more coherent understanding of how to challenge Islamophobia.
men were shot and killed, and many others were injured, at evening prayers. That attacker, Alexandre Bissonnette, also set out to kill Muslims deliberately. He felt that Muslim immigrants in Quebec were a threat to white francophone Quebecois, expressing the combination of xenophobia and Islamophobia that is endemic to the ideology of the far-right. Although these Islamophobic murders elicit shock and sorrow when they make news headlines, they are not isolated events. Islamophobia has been an ongoing part of everyday Muslim experiences in Canada
Introduction Among the most disingenuous and carefully orchestrated playbook strategies of the Hindutva fascist movement in India, of which the current Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government is part and parcel, is the manner in which it pursues its Islamophobic agenda. Arguably, there are few other spaces where Islamophobia is as dangerously manifest as it is in India today (Bazian et al. 2019 : 3–10). This is not just because of the frequency of Islamophic attacks – a daily occurrence now – or the depth
the established order’. 2 The question of Islamophobia in Charlie Hebdo ’s representations of Muslims, particularly veiled Muslim women, is instead intricately and deceptively linked to the issue of laïcité. Deceptively, because Charlie Hebdo weaponised and constrained laïcité , while itself becoming a tool for free speech absolutists. The editorial of Gérard Biard, editor-in-chief, published in the Charlie Hebdo survivors’ issue (the first issue after the attack), further stressed the theme of laïcité as both the magazine’s raison d’être and its
Introduction By most metrics, Islamophobia in the United States (US) has been on the rise since the al Qaeda attacks of 11 September 2001. In partisan politics and public policy, at the individual and systemic levels, Muslims and those perceived as Muslim have been singled out for exclusion, discrimination, and violence in unprecedented ways in modern US history (Mogahed and Mahmood 2019 ). A common assumption in public discourse and in the mainstream media is that white conservative Americans in general, and the
terrorism, jihad, and violence is a persistent feature and, at times, manifestation of Islamophobia. This chapter argues that Islamophobia in South Africa should not be understood as a natural negative reaction to an unfamiliar, foreign, or strange group of people. On the contrary, this chapter demonstrates that South African-based security research institutes (think-tanks) and popular media are key actors in the construction of Islamophobia. Indeed, these actors are often complicit in the representation of African and South African