How do secular Jewish-Israeli millennials feel about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, having come of age in the shadow of the failed Oslo peace process, when political leaders have used ethno-religious rhetoric as a dividing force? This is the first book to analyse blowback to Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli religious nationalism among this group in their own words. It is based on fieldwork, interviews and surveys conducted after the 2014 Gaza War. Offering a close reading of the lived experience and generational memory of participants, it offers a new explanation for why attitudes to Occupation have grown increasingly conservative over the past two decades. It examines the intimate emotional ecology of Occupation, offering a new argument about neo-Romantic conceptions of citizenship among this group. Beyond the case study, it also offers a new theoretical framework and research methods for researchers and students studying emotion, religion, nationalism, secularism and political violence around the world.
The Testimony of Late Seventeenth-Century Library Auction
In this article on book circulation, I survey twelve English library auction
catalogues from the period 1676–97, in order to show how interest in the
writings of the Amsterdam rabbi Menasseh ben Israel (1604–57) continued
after his death. I do this by identifying the circulation of his works in
Puritan personal libraries. I focus particularly on the library auction
catalogues of leading Puritans, notably Lazarus Seaman, Thomas Manton, Stephen
Charnock and John Owen. I also show that of all Menasseh’s books,
De resurrectione mortuorum libri III was the one most
frequently owned by Puritan divines. This article demonstrates how books helped
to catalyse the boundary-crossing nature of the Jewish–Christian
encounter in seventeenth-century England.
we never had freedom. You or I. All of our lives we have been under British rule. Now, we’ll be equal citizens in the free state of Israel. The resolution (of the UN) guarantees it.
Taha: Guarantees are one thing, reality is another. Now it makes my lands part of Israel.
Ben Canaan: These are still your lands.
Taha: I’m a minority.
Ben Canaan: We have always been friends. Minority, majority, we prove it makes no difference.
Taha: If it makes no difference, why did you fight so hard to bring this about?
Ben Canaan: Because we had hundreds of
THE ARAB–ISRAELI FIGHT
In the wartime environment of 1948, the Khairi family was
expelled from their home in what is today Ramle, Israel. The
Khairis, a Palestinian family, ended up in the West Bank. After
the 1967 war, which brought the West Bank under Israeli rule,
Bashir Khairi, a young boy in 1948, visited his former home in
Ramle. But he was never able to regain control of the home or
move back to it. Khairi, later a leader in the Popular Front for
the Liberation of Palestine, drew a very clear lesson from the
experience: ‘Force expelled us from
A war of no compromises and compromises during war
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter
Islamism, Zionism and Israel:
a war of no compromises
and compromises during war
Since its inception and through to the present time, one of the appeals
of Islamism has been its ability to crystallize complex theological
olitical ideas into simple and catchy formulae. Accessible to all,
these formulae masquerade as clear-cut, unwavering, undeniable truths
that are not up for negotiation; their authority originates from divine
revelation and is supported by the lessons learned from reality itself.
Another appeal of Islamism, particularly from its
The emancipation of the Arabs from the stranglehold of religious dogmatism and political tyranny was uppermost on the agenda of many Arab liberals, so much so that global and regional politics, and even the Arab–Israeli conflict, took a back seat. Others took a broad, integrative approach in which affairs outside the Arab world, specifically relations with the West and Israel, were also seen as critical. But this preoccupation with Western civilization and Israel created dilemmas for the liberal community. Colonial rule and Israeli
Palestinians are sometimes called cowards because, it is said, they send their children to be killed in their stead. What I actually see here is children who talk granny and grandpa out of going all the way.
Régis Debray, 2008 2
Palestine and Israel hold an important place in my research trajectory. Their importance is in keeping with the political role played by a territory that has become the extension of the US and Europe in the Middle East. I had traveled to Israel to encounter the
From the Gromyko declaration to the death of Stalin (1947–53)
Western aggression, suspecting the
Americans of wanting to turn the region into a new Cold War
The Kremlin, motivated by a desire to obtain a tactical advantage,
recognized Israel de jure just three days after it had declared
its independence. The Kremlin also recommended to Yugoslavia and
Czechoslovakia that they help Israel acquire artillery and aircraft
Agustín Tosco Propaganda was published in the Argentine film journal El Amante Cine.
It was written by Israel Adrián Caetano before his film Pizza, Beer and Cigarettes
(Caetano and Stagnaro, 1998) triggered the concept of New Argentine Cinema. In this
provocative text, Caetano criticised the way Argentine cinema had usually been made
and, in a form of manifesto, he presented the principles that his own films – and
those of many other young directors – have followed since then. Although New
Argentine Cinema has been thoroughly studied in the English-speaking academia, only a
few authors have made reference to this seminal text. Being aware of the principles
set in this manifesto more than twenty years ago will help researchers and students
understand some important features that tend to be overlooked when exploring not only
Argentinean cinema, but also many other cinemas of the region.
constitutional barriers has helped Germany forestall representation of extremist parties at the federal Parliament level over the course of years and, in turn, has also helped stabilise the democratic system.
The socio-political underpinnings of the response to extremism in Israel
Both prior to the establishment of the State of Israel and in the years following, the party institution constituted a pivotal factor in the political processes involved in the nation’s construction. However, the role of the Israeli political party went far