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How do secular Jewish-Israeli millennials feel about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, having come of age in the shadow of the failed Oslo peace process, when political leaders have used ethno-religious rhetoric as a dividing force? This is the first book to analyse blowback to Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli religious nationalism among this group in their own words. It is based on fieldwork, interviews and surveys conducted after the 2014 Gaza War. Offering a close reading of the lived experience and generational memory of participants, it offers a new explanation for why attitudes to Occupation have grown increasingly conservative over the past two decades. It examines the intimate emotional ecology of Occupation, offering a new argument about neo-Romantic conceptions of citizenship among this group. Beyond the case study, it also offers a new theoretical framework and research methods for researchers and students studying emotion, religion, nationalism, secularism and political violence around the world.

Author: Ilan Danjoux

Cartoon analysis is the study of a non-elite communication. Ilan Danjoux examined over 1200 Israeli and Palestinian editorial cartoons to explore whether changes in their content anticipated the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in October of 2000. Political Cartoons and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict provide readers an engaging introduction to cartoon analysis and a novel insight into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Conflict researchers benefit from paying attention to popular fears because they influence the policies of career-minded politicians and autocratic leaders seeking to placate domestic dissent. The book begins by outlining the rationale for this research project, while explaining the choice of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a case study. It identifies the challenges of cartoon research and outlines the methodological approaches available to researchers. After laying the framework for this study, the book details the collapse of the Israel-Palestinian Peace Process into full-scale violence by October 2000. A description of Israeli and Palestinian media production follows. The book demonstrates the cartoon's ability to chronicle changes in conflict. Not only did both Israeli and Palestinian cartoons change their focus with the outbreak of violence, the mood of cartoons also shifted. It also shows that Israeli and Palestinian cartoons also changed the way that each portrayed the other. Changes in both Israeli and Palestinian cartoons corresponded with, but did not precede, the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada.

A cinematic saga
François Dubuisson

we never had freedom. You or I. All of our lives we have been under British rule. Now, we’ll be equal citizens in the free state of Israel. The resolution (of the UN) guarantees it. Taha: Guarantees are one thing, reality is another. Now it makes my lands part of Israel. Ben Canaan: These are still your lands. Taha: I’m a minority. Ben Canaan: We have always been friends. Minority, majority, we prove it makes no difference. Taha: If it makes no difference, why did you fight so hard to bring this about? Ben Canaan: Because we had hundreds of

in Cinematic perspectives on international law
Jeremy Pressman

Chapter 1 THE ARAB–ISRAELI FIGHT In the wartime environment of 1948, the Khairi family was expelled from their home in what is today Ramle, Israel. The Khairis, a Palestinian family, ended up in the West Bank. After the 1967 war, which brought the West Bank under Israeli rule, Bashir Khairi, a young boy in 1948, visited his former home in Ramle. But he was never able to regain control of the home or move back to it. Khairi, later a leader in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, drew a very clear lesson from the experience: ‘Force expelled us from

in The sword is not enough
A war of no compromises and compromises during war
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter

1 Islamism, Zionism and Israel: a war of no compromises and compromises during war Since its inception and through to the present time, one of the appeals of Islamism has been its ability to crystallize complex theological and p ­ olitical ideas into simple and catchy formulae. Accessible to all, these formulae masquerade as clear-cut, unwavering, undeniable truths that are not up for negotiation; their authority originates from divine revelation and is supported by the lessons learned from reality itself. Another appeal of Islamism, particularly from its

in Zionism in Arab discourses
Abstract only
An inspiring model
Meir Hatina

The emancipation of the Arabs from the stranglehold of religious dogmatism and political tyranny was uppermost on the agenda of many Arab liberals, so much so that global and regional politics, and even the Arab–Israeli conflict, took a back seat. Others took a broad, integrative approach in which affairs outside the Arab world, specifically relations with the West and Israel, were also seen as critical. But this preoccupation with Western civilization and Israel created dilemmas for the liberal community. Colonial rule and Israeli

in Arab liberal thought in the modern age
François Burgat

Palestinians are sometimes called cowards because, it is said, they send their children to be killed in their stead. What I actually see here is children who talk granny and grandpa out of going all the way. Régis Debray, 2008 2 Palestine and Israel hold an important place in my research trajectory. Their importance is in keeping with the political role played by a territory that has become the extension of the US and Europe in the Middle East. I had traveled to Israel to encounter the

in Understanding Political Islam
From the Gromyko declaration to the death of Stalin (1947–53)
Joseph Heller

Western aggression, suspecting the Americans of wanting to turn the region into a new Cold War battleground. 19 The Kremlin, motivated by a desire to obtain a tactical advantage, recognized Israel de jure just three days after it had declared its independence. The Kremlin also recommended to Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia that they help Israel acquire artillery and aircraft

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
The parliamentary arena
Ami Pedahzur

constitutional barriers has helped Germany forestall representation of extremist parties at the federal Parliament level over the course of years and, in turn, has also helped stabilise the democratic system. The socio-political underpinnings of the response to extremism in Israel Both prior to the establishment of the State of Israel and in the years following, the party institution constituted a pivotal factor in the political processes involved in the nation’s construction. However, the role of the Israeli political party went far

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
The social sphere
Ami Pedahzur

examine how the State of Israel has contended with these paradoxes and, by the same token, try to find an answer to the paramount questions. Has the state-run education system in Israel undergone a gradual transition towards an increased emphasis on democratic values in its school curricula, consequently leading to the reinforcement of the ‘immunisation’ of the ‘defending democracy?’ Alternatively, has the non-liberal element gained the upper hand, thus reducing the prospects for the complete abandonment of the ‘militant’ attitude in response to extremism

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence