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The European Union and its member states

This book takes up traditional approaches to political science. It aims to offer a mixture of conventional and specific analyses and insights for different groups of readers. In view of the European Union's multi-level and multi-actor polity, the book highlights the complex procedural and institutional set-up of nation states preparing and implementing decisions made by the institutions of the European Community (EC). In looking at the emerging and evolving realities of the European polity, it shows how European institutions and Member States (re-)act and interact in a new institutional and procedural set-up. It explores how governmental and non-governmental actors in different national settings adapt to common challenges, constraints and opportunities for which they are mainly themselves responsible. The book discusses the Belgian policy toward European integration as a significant demonstration of its commitment to multilateralism and international co-operation in security and economic affairs. Attitudes to European integration in Denmark, Germany, Finland, Greece, and Spain are discussed. Tendencies towards 'Europeanisation' and 'sectoralisation' of the ministerial administration during the process of European integration and the typical administrative pluralism of the Italian political system seem to have mutually reinforced each other. Strong multi-level players are able to increase their access and influence at both levels and to use their position on one level for strengthening their say on the other. German and Belgian regions might develop into these kinds of actors. A persistent trend during the 1990s is traced towards stronger national performers, particularly in terms of adaptations and reactions to Maastricht Treaty.

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A remarkable politician?
James L. Newell

Berlusconi question ‘Why?’ So ultimately, social determinism’s attempt entirely to eliminate human agency is a failure. It too is untenable. Second, more specifically, an assessment of the Berlusconi legacy is essential thanks to changes in the meaning, the scope and the role of political leadership. These have rendered processes of change in the Italian political system  – ­dominated, from the end of the war until the 1980s, entirely by the parties – much more amenable to the decisions and actions of the individuals occupying leadership positions than they had been

in Silvio Berlusconi
Abstract only
Phil Edwards

achievement, in modified form, of its principal goals, by way of an expansion of the political repertoire endorsed by the PCI. The PCI in this period occupied an ambivalent position, as a supposedly ‘anti-system’ party which nevertheless played a significant role in the Italian political system; this put it in a strong position as a political ‘gatekeeper’. The outcome of the cycle was positive: under pressure from the movements, the PCI pushed back the boundaries of acceptable political c01.indd 1 6/23/2009 2:41:27 PM 2 ‘More work! Less pay!’ activity. The activism of

in ‘More work! Less pay!’
Open Access (free)
Progress behind complexity
Flaminia Gallo
and
Birgit Hanny

accept further limitations of sovereignty and definitions of the role of the two chambers of parliament in Community policies and the role of the regions in shaping and implementing Community law.16 As the different political parties were not able to find a compromise on other aspects, such as the modalities to appoint the Head of the State and the autonomy of the judicial system, the whole reform project failed, including the part concerning relations with the Union. Although the TEU was not the only reason behind attempts to adapt the Italian political system to its

in Fifteen into one?
The case of Matteo Renzi’s Partito Democratico
Jorge del Palacio Martín

Beppe Grillo. M5S then entered government after the 2018 general election. The consolidation of the M5S as a governing alternative has had at least two major consequences for Italy's political system. In terms of elections, the emergence of the M5S has led to the end of a kind of bipolarism based on competition between left and right coalitions that has defined the historical period known as the Second Republic in Italy. Ideologically, the discourse of the M5S, based on the populist promise of relaunching democracy on a participative and anti

in The European left and the financial crisis
Marcel H. Van Herpen

corruption of the Italian political system. In fact he only made the problem worse. In Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index Italy was in 31 st place in 2002, in 41 st place in 2007, in 55 th place in 2008, and in 63 rd place in 2009. 23 “From this point on it has been overtaken by countries, such as Turkey, Cuba, Namibia, Samoa, Jordan and Bahrain, to mention only a few,” wrote Paul Ginsborg. 24 And he continued: “The governments of Silvio Berlusconi, which were in power for the greatest part of the last decennium (2001–6, 2008–10), have never

in The end of populism
James L. Newell

reason then that, despite his oft-repeated claim to represent a break with the politics of discord and conflict, the effect of his decision to enter politics as the leader of one of the two coalitions competing for government was precisely to heighten division and conflict in the Italian political system. Conceived in these terms, Berlusconi’s message does, we believe, have sufficient coherence and distinctiveness to justify the term Berlusconismo. It is, as Orsina (2013: 125) suggests, an amalgam of liberalism and populism without being fully wedded to either, for the

in Silvio Berlusconi
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,

Introduction Under Umberto Bossi's leadership the LN occupied a significant position in the Italian political system for more than two decades. Despite remaining a “niche” party at the state-wide level, it became mainstream and even dominant in important areas of the country, managed to overcome periods of electoral crisis and successfully adapted to changing political circumstances. By 2012, when Bossi was forced to step down from his role as Segretario Federale (Federal Secretary, i.e. party leader), the League had become

in Populism in Europe
Phil Edwards

engagement would require the party quietly to appropriate and absorb the demands and tactics of the new movement, while publicly denouncing its leadership as irresponsible extremists. An exclusive engagement, in contrast, would involve denunciations of violence, escalating demands for dissociation and emphatic assertions of the party’s own commitment to democracy and the rule of law. Thirty years on, the Italian political system and the remains of the Italian Left still demonstrate how disastrous the effects of this approach could be. Notes 1 ‘si è messa in moto una

in ‘More work! Less pay!’
Abstract only
Carina Gunnarson

Italian political system during this decade: some of the major political parties disappeared, a new Republic was born and new political organis­ations emerged. The old cleavage between the north and the south was reinforced by the emergence of the separatist party Lega CULTURAL WARFARE 83 Nord under the leadership of Umberto Bossi. The debate was fuelled by Bossi’s racist declarations that targeted both ­foreigners and southern Italy. Discussions about a multi­ethnic and multi­cultural Italy were brought to the fore. The term ‘civic education’ has a very broad

in Cultural warfare and trust