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the peasant attacks against nobles at Saint-Leu d’Esserent near Chantilly on 28 May to the king of Navarre’s slaughter of the rustics between Mello and Clermont on 10 June 1358. 1 Yet the Jacquerie is probably the best-known revolt in France before the French Revolution. Historians and the public alike now use the term ‘Jacquerie’ to characterise any revolt that manifests excessive and gratuitous
This book is comprised of over 200 translated sources related to popular protest in Italy, France and Flanders from 1245 to 1424 . In particular, it focuses on the ‘contagion of rebellion' from 1355 to 1382 that followed in the wake of the plague. They comprise a diversity of sources and cover a variety of forms of popular protest in different social, political and economic settings. Their authors range across a wide political and intellectual horizon and include revolutionaries, the artistocracy, merchants and representatives from the church. They tell gripping and often gruesome stories of personal and collective violence, anguish, anger, terror, bravery, and foolishness. The book documents the best-known revolt in France before the French Revolution, the Jacquerie. The book also focuses on the best known of the urban revolts of the fourteenth century, the Revolt of the Ciompi, which set off with a constitutional conflict in June 1378. It then views the 'cluster of revolts' of northern France and Flanders, 1378 to 1382, concentrating on the most important of these, the tax revolts of the Harelle in Rouen and the Maillotins or hammer men in Paris. It looks beyond the 'cluster' to the early fifteenth century.
Feudalism, venality, and revolution is about the political and social order revealed by the monarchy’s most ambitious effort to reform its institutions, the introduction of participatory assemblies at all levels of the government. It should draw the attention of anyone interested in the sort of social and political conditions that predisposed people to make the French Revolution. In particular, according to Alexis de Tocqueville’s influential work on the Old Regime and the French Revolution, royal centralization had so weakened the feudal power of the nobles that their remaining privileges became glaringly intolerable to commoners. Feudalism, venality, and revolution challenges this theory by showing that when Louis XVI convened assemblies of landowners in the late 1770s and 1780s to discuss policies needed to resolve the budgetary crisis, he faced widespread opposition from lords and office holders. These elites regarded the assemblies as a challenge to their hereditary power over commoners. The monarchy incorporated an administration of seigneurial jurisdictions and venal offices. Lordships and offices upheld inequality on behalf of the nobility and bred the discontent evident in the French Revolution. These findings will alter the way scholars think about the Old Regime society and state and should therefore find a large market among graduate students and professors of European history.
social and political consequences of the Black Death? With Dobson’s collection as my model, I began with the idea of concentrating on the principal sources for the best known of the continental revolts before the Peasants’ War in Germany 1524–25 – the French Jacquerie of 1358, the Florentine Revolt of the Ciompi, and the Czech revolt of the Hussites from around 1412 almost to mid-century. It
strings and the governor of Rome (Giovanni Cerroni), not the people, benefited in the end [70] . 2 Similarly, in France and Flanders, revolts or even minor skirmishes involving commoners with economic or political objectives find few traces in the chroniclers from 1348 until the revolt of the Parisians and the Jacquerie in the spring of 1358. A tax revolt in Rouen is an
-class Presbyterian merchants and farmers of the North abandoned their radical political principles when faced with the prospect of losing their property, and possibly their lives, to a Catholic peasant jacquerie. Simply put, the alliance between Presbyterian United Irishmen and Catholic Defenders collapsed under the weight of religious animosity.2 Although there are slight historiographical variations, the relatively small numbers of historians who have addressed the period following the rising concur on the major points of interpretation. For example, R. F. Foster believes that
, where a period of relative social peace may have followed the Jacquerie until the crisis of the French state at the end of Charles V’s reign. 1 More clearly than in 1358 these revolts, 1378–82, arose from the demands of war, forcing the king to exact new taxes. 2 The first wave of revolt erupted in the last years of Charles V’s reign, when with rapid succession he
independent noble caste, while the popular insurrections that disturbed the kingdom, such as the Pastoureaux movements in 1251 and 1320, or the Jacquerie (1356), were notably more destructive than their English equivalents. Measured against these standards, the level of destruction that inevitably accompanies civil war seems to have been contained within generally acceptable bounds in England. Though the forces involved were sometimes considerable, as were the casualties at battles like Evesham and Towton, campaigns were usually short, and deliberate destruction of
interested the Catalan insurgents. It drew attention to the contemporary efforts of the earls of Antrim and Clanricard to stand neutral in the developing conflict on account of their having estates in England. In Catalonia, grandees with links to Court had retreated to Madrid, abandoning their Catalan estates, and now many nobles experienced fresh doubts as their fledgling state moved into the orbit of the French.14 The insurgents in both countries needed to maintain the discipline of their forces in what at times appeared to be little more than a jacquerie.15 The article
determining their economic affairs. These historians have not judged as reactionary the struggle of disenfranchised workers to obtain rights as citizens and the creation of a new government in which nearly all males possessed virtual representation by belonging to a guild [122, 124] . This revolution and the new government, it installed lasted considerably longer the Jacquerie’s two weeks of terror or