In the last decade Irish society has visibly changed with the emergence of new immigrant communities of black and ethnic minorities. This book draws upon a number of academic disciplines, focusing on the relationship between ideological forms of racism and its consequences upon black and ethnic minorities. Media and political debates on racism in Ireland during this period have tended to depict it as a new phenomenon and even as one imported by asylum seekers. Ireland was never immune from the racist ideologies that governed relationships between the west and the rest despite a history of colonial anti-Irish racism. Citizenship reproduced inequalities between nationals on the basis of gender and race and ethnicity. The book explores how the processes of nation-building which shaped contemporary Irish society and the Irish state were accompanied by a politics of national identity within which claims of social membership of various minority groups were discounted. It examines the exclusionary and assimilationist consequences of Irish nationbuilding for Protestant, Jewish and Traveller minority communities. The book also considers anti-Semitism in Irish society from independence in 1922 until the 1950s. It examines how contemporary responses to refugees and asylum seekers have been shaped by a legacy of exclusionary state practices. Finally, the book talks about anti-Traveller racism, the politics of Traveller exclusion, the work of SPIARSI, and the efforts to contest racism and discrimination faced by minorities in Ireland as expressions of multiculturalism.
Jewishminority was intrinsic to pied-noir identity. Just as
anti-Semitism was part of pied-noir culture, so settlers used the
term Arab derisively for objects of material culture – dress,
food, markets – but rarely for people. They routinely described
Arabo-Berber people as objects. The terms ‘tree trunks’ and
bicot (slang derived from the word for goat) were commonly
all too clear when the absorbing countries
clash with rioting Muslim communities and radicalised terrorists on the streets
at home, or with militant, extremist Islamic organisations in war-torn countries
in the Middle East and Africa.
Many of the issues that have detrimental effects on the European–Muslim
encounter do not present themselves in relations between Europe and its Jewishminorities. The latter see themselves – and usually, though not always, are
so perceived – as full citizens of their European nations. They do not have a
Britain 1656–2000 (Los Angeles: UC Press, 2002), p. 10.
9 R. O’Brien, ‘Establishment of the JewishMinority in Leeds’ (PhD, University of Bristol, 1975), p. 9.
10 Ibid., p. 24.
11 D. Feldman, Englishmen and Jews (Guildford: Yale UP, 1994), p. 293.
12 B. Dinur, Israel and the Diaspora (Philadelphia: Jewish Publications Society of America, 1969), p. 55.
13 O’Brien, ‘Establishment of the JewishMinority in Leeds’, p. 30
Fiqh al-Aqalliyat (Muslim jurisprudence on minorities); Dina de-Malchuta Dina (the law of the kingdom is the law); Dar al-Islam (abode of Islam); Dar al-Harb (abode of war)
mentioned in chapter 4, is an example of this.) In the context of Europe and its
Jewishminority, the journalist Jeffrey Goldberg has mentioned another difference (in addition to the establishment of Israel), between present-day Europe and
the period 1933–45. In 1933 Hitler announced himself to be the foremost enemy
of Jewish existence; today, Germany’s leader, Chancellor Angela Merkel, is one
the world’s chief defenders of Jews. ‘Germany’s support for Israel’s security is
part of our national ethos, our raison d’être,’ she declared in 2013.4
Over many years of the
there is not a thing which can justify it.
I know that there is a security problem and I do not speak about infiltrators. I
know existing considerations. ... Morally speaking we are a movement that
should not tell lies and we don’t want to lie, in this issue however we live in a total
lie. ... I don’t speak about the attitude of individuals towards the Arabs; I speak
about the general line. I reject this approach. ... I don’t accept the justifications
which were given. ... We have no right to request other (better) attitude toward
Jewishminorities in other countries
Jews as Europeans in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
the beginning of the Christian era until the late Middle Ages. This was
certainly so in Spain, southern France (as Gaul had become) and Italy.
Both the ‘Barbarian’ successor states of the West and the
Catholic Church inherited late Roman legislation concerning Jews as well
as so many other subjects. 4 Thus, by the end of the fourteenth century, a Jewishminority
was quite widely spread over
contingencies affected this discourse, including the Israeli application to
the UN for membership, questions of borders and refugees, the Israeli elections for the first Knesset held in January 1949 and the status of the Jewishminorities worldwide. This discourse developed because the bulk of the
Palestinians who remained within the territories controlled by the Jewish state
were in Galilee, a region which had been designated for the Arab state according to the UN partition plan. The fate of this minority therefore was not only
an Israeli internal affair but also an issue of
European opposition, Muslim migrants, impact on Jews
‘stunned’ or ‘not stunned’ would reveal how much religiously prepared food is being sold.74
There is also an economic aspect to the issue of stunned/non-stunned meat:
butchers for the French Jewishminority – at 600,000 the largest in Europe75 –
sell the back cuts of beef (forbidden to Jews who observe Kashrut, the Jewish
dietary laws) to non-kosher distributors. If they are labelled, the latter and their
customers might avoid the non-stunned meat.76
In present-day Europe, objections to ritual slaughter are gathering momentum, particularly those directed against Muslims
by the Jewishminority. The West, the Soviets thought, needed Soviet
Jewish spies because having failed to spy on the Soviet Union on its
own. Israel was also regarded by the Soviets as a bridgehead for Western
subversion in the Arab countries.
On October 3, Pravda accused Israel of
concentrating forces on the Syrian border with the eventual objective of
overthrowing the Syrian regime (‘General Rabin