I N A CONTROVERSIAL ESSAY PUBLISHED in 1966, “Nkrumah: The Leninist Czar”, 1 Kenyan scholar Ali Mazrui (see Ndlovu-Gatsheni in this volume) provocatively characterised KwameNkrumah (1909–72), the first president of independent Ghana and key architect of African unity in the 1960s, as “a great Gold Coaster” who “fell short of becoming a great Ghanaian”. 2 The aim of this chapter is to revisit the debate unleashed by Mazrui’s strident allegations, and to contest the validity of his claims.
-apartheid state and establishing what would become one of the most respected constitutional democracies in the world. He had thus dedicated 52 years of his life to the ANC and to the politics of his country by the time of his sudden ousting from power by his own party in September 2008. 5
In understanding the importance of Mbeki as a political figure, I have compared him with Ghana’s legendary first president, KwameNkrumah, who was in power between 1957 and 1966. Both were philosopher-kings who articulated bold Pan-African visions and generated
Why did the Cold War begin in the Gold Coast
(today’s Ghana) in 1948? 1 As I
recount in great detail in my book KwameNkrumah and the Dawn of the Cold War: The West
African National Secretariat (1945–48) , it was because the
‘Western’ imperialist, capitalist powers wanted to stop, or at least control,
the struggle for independence. But, as the Second World War had just ended, it would not
have looked good to fight a ‘real’ war against the independistas ,
whether they were called that, or
Pan-Africanism within a Politics of Respectability
Ghana to enrol him in university. His recuperation period altered Angelou’s plans to travel to Liberia. She took up residence in Accra during Guy’s convalescence, and her short stay became a three-year sojourn in the country then led by KwameNkrumah (see Biney in this volume).
Returning Home – to Herself – in Ghana
In 1957 Ghana became the first black African nation to achieve its formal independence from colonial rule. Ghana became an inspiration to oppressed people throughout the world. It beckoned as a
-African leaders, including Trinidad’s George Padmore and Ghana’s KwameNkrumah (see Duggan and Biney in this volume). Rather, following the groundbreaking work of the legendary nineteenth-century scholar-diplomat, St Thomas’s Edward Blyden (see Khadiagala in this volume), Pan-Africanism was developed as a movement in 1897 by Henry Sylvester Williams, a London-based barrister from Trinidad. Williams “began thinking about a political movement organised around a series of conferences that would draw representatives of the ‘African race from all the parts of the world’”. His vision
in this volume).
Lewis’s professional engagements with Africa in the pre-independence era were noteworthy. From 1951 to 1953, he served as a member of the Colonial Economic Advisory Committee (CEAC), the organisation that gave birth to the Colonial Development Corporation (CDC), of which Lewis was a member until the end of its term in 1953. He served as an economic adviser to KwameNkrumah’s government in Ghana. Lewis’s 1953 report, “International Development and the Gold Coast”, became the blue-print for the £100 million Volta River
African regional organizations have played leading roles in constructing collective conflict management rules for the continent, but these rules or norms have not been static. Currently, the African Union (AU) deploys monitors, authorizes peace support operations, and actively engages in internal conflicts in member states. Just a few decades ago these actions would have been deeply controversial under the Organization of African Unity (OAU). What changed to allow for this transformation in the way the African regional organization approaches peace and security? Drawing extensively on primary source documents from the AU Commission archives, this book examines why the OAU chose norms that prioritized state security in 1963 leading to a policy of strict non-interference and why the AU chose very different norms leading to a disparate conflict management policy of non-indifference in the early 2000s. Even if the AU’s capacity to respond to conflict is still developing, this new policy has made the region more willing and capable of responding to violent conflict. The author argues that norm creation largely happened within the African context, and international pressure was not a determinant factor. The role of regional organizations in the international order, particularly those in the African region, has been under-theorized and under-acknowledged, and this book adds to an emerging literature that explores the role of regional organizations in the Global South in creating and promoting norms based on their own experiences and for their own purposes.
This collection of lively biographical essays examines historical and contemporary Pan-Africanism as an ideology of emancipation and unity. The volume covers thirty-six major figures, including well-known Pan-Africanists such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Amy Ashwood Garvey, C.L.R. James, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, Steve Biko, and Thabo Mbeki, as well as popular figures not typically identified with mainstream Pan-Africanism such as Maya Angelou, Mariama Bâ, Buchi Emecheta, Miriam Makeba, Ruth First, Wangari Maathai, Wole Soyinka, Derek Walcott, V.Y. Mudimbe, Léopold Senghor, Malcolm X, Bob Marley, and Fela Anikulapo-Kuti. The book explores the history and pioneers of the movement; the quest for reparations; politicians; poets; activists; as well as Pan-Africanism in the social sciences, philosophy, literature, and its musical activists. With contributions from a diverse and prominent group of African, Caribbean, and African-American scholars, The Pan-African Pantheon is a comprehensive and diverse introductory reader for specialists and general readers alike.
‘there are constitutional changes in your country’. Then,
the Gold Coast Express reported,
took the microphone amidst a thunderous ovation and in a very
short and charming speech he traced his friendship with George
Padmore and described him as one of the greatest advocates on
the freedom of the
documents relating to irregular activities of CPP political
leaders’. Wright described the present Secret Circle as ‘composed of
six members in Accra and one member in London, George Padmore. DD
indicates that George Padmore has access to all confidential or secret
documents of the C.P.P. and that he is an active adviser to KwameNkrumah and that a constant stream of communications flows between