This study is concerned with the ‘Old’ Labour right at a critical juncture of social democratic and Labour politics. It attempts to explain the complex transition from so-called ‘Old Right’ to ‘New Right’ or ‘New Labour’, and locates at least some of the roots of the latter in the complexity, tensions and fragmentation of the former during the ‘lean’ years of social democracy in the 1970s. The analysis addresses both the short- and long-term implications of the emerging ideological, organisational and political complexity and divisions of the parliamentary Labour right and Labour revisionism, previously concealed within the loosely adhesive post-war framework of Keynesian reformist social democracy, which have been neglected factors in explanations of Labour's subsequent shift leftwards, the longer-term gestation of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the evolution of ‘New’ Labour. It establishes the extent to which ‘New’ Labour is a legatee of at least some elements of the disparate and discordant Labour right and tensions of social democratic revisionism in the 1970s. In so doing, the analysis advances our understanding of a key moment in the development of social democracy and the making of the contemporary British Labour Party. The book represents a significant departure in analyses and explanations of both the problems and demise of post-war social democracy and decline of ‘Old’ Labour and the origins and roots of ‘New’ Labour.
This book is a reflection on the making of a modern sociological classic text and its enduring influence on the discipline. It is about another book, Ray Pahl's Divisions of Labour, which presents the craft of conceiving, planning, undertaking and presenting research. Excerpts from the original are interspersed with contributions from leading researchers and its effects in the ensuing three decades in the book. In addition to the excerpts, it presents the author's research on the Isle of Sheppey, the 'Sheppey project', which expanded into a more systematic study when Pahl won a Social Science Research Council grant. Pahl's Sheppey was in many ways an exemplar of deindustrialisation in the UK as it contained within its boundaries many of the complex elements of deindustrialisation, indeed he did describe Sheppey as a 'post-industrial laboratory'. The Durkheimian, Marxist, and Weberian theories were sketched out by ordinary people trying to make sense of the context in which they live; they are all founded to some degree on fact. One of the key concepts developed in Divisions of Labour is that of the 'household work strategy' and it was demonstrated through the evolution of women's work. The 'polarization of workers' lives', and the ways in which couples share the domestic division of labour over the life course is discussed. The ideas contained in Divisions of Labour have been engaged with by scholars not only in sociology but in anthropology, development studies, economics, geography, political science, psychology, social history, social, policy and beyond.
This book is an attempt to take stock of how some of the British Labour Party's leading interpreters have analysed their subject, deriving as they do from contrasting political, theoretical, disciplinary and methodological backgrounds. It explores their often-hidden assumptions and subjects them to critical evaluation. The book outlines five strategies such as materialist; ideational; electoral; institutional; and synthetic strategies. Materialist, ideational and electoral explanatory strategies account for Labour's ideological trajectory in factors exogenous to the party. The 'new political history' is useful in understanding Labour within a less reductive framework than either the 'high' or 'from below' approaches and in more novel terms than the Left-Right positions adopted within Labour. The book assesses the contribution made to analysis of the Labour Party and labour history by thinkers of the British New Left. New Left critiques of labourism in fact represented and continued a strand of Marxist thinking on the party that can be traced back to its inception. If Ralph Miliband's role in relation to 'Bennism' is considered in comparison to his earlier attitudes, some striking points emerge about the interaction between the analytical and subjective aspects in his interpretive framework. Miliband tried to suggest that the downfall of communism was advantageous for the Left, given the extent to which the Soviet regimes had long embarrassed Western socialists such as himself. The Nairn-Anderson theses represented an ambitious attempt to pioneer a distinctive analysis of British capitalist development, its state, society and class structure.
This book analyses the ideological battle for control of the prestigious, influential and important ––regionally and nationally– Durham Miners’ Association in the fascinating "Great Labour Unrest" period before the outbreak of the Great War. In assessing the complex relations between structure and agency it recognises that the socialists of the ILP before 1910 made some progress in a particularly hostile environment, thanks to the dominance of liberal paternalism and Methodism. But the miners’ eight hour day, a socialist demand brought into effect by the Liberal government, caused tremendous strife in a coalfield, especially with the imposition of a three-shift working system that it entailed. The emergence of syndicalist activists in the coalfield, largely rejecting mainstream ‘political’ action for industrial agitation and revolutionary trade unions also threatened the ILP from the left. With the emergence of a new generation of younger, more radical and often well-schooled ILP activists after 1911, the ILP was able to harness the anger over the three-shift system to the renewed demand for a minimum wage. In doing so, these ILP activists created a mass coalfield rank-and-file movement that, after the minimum wage was won, sought to extend the struggle more firmly onto the ‘political’ plane. In deploying a militant, aggressive and class-based rhetoric they managed to outflank the syndicalist challenge and win over growing numbers of Durham miners to their cause. By 1914, these young ILP activists were beginning to reap the rewards of their labours, having forged tremendous progress since 1911.
Labour migration has become one of the hot topics in Europe, especially since 2000 with the shift from restriction to managed migration. This book provides an account of policy change over labour migration in Europe during this new era of governance. It has implications for debates about the contemporary governance of labour migration in Europe, and questions about the impact of an emergent EU migration regime in the context of a globalising labour market. The key findings offer a deeper understanding of the linkages between those engaged in policymaking and the kinds of communities that produce usable knowledge.
European labour movements in crisis contends that labour movements respond to
European integration in a manner which instigates competition between national
labour markets. This argument is based on analysis of four countries (Germany,
Spain, France and Poland) and two processes: the collective bargaining practices
of trade unions in the first decade of the Eurozone and the response of trade
unions and social-democratic parties to austerity in Southern Europe. In the
first process, although unions did not intentionally compete, there was a drift
towards zero-sum outcomes which benefited national workforces in stronger
structural positions. In the second process, during which a crisis resulting
from the earlier actions of labour occurred, lack of solidarity reinforced
effects of competition. Such processes are indicative of relations between
national labour movements which are rooted in competition, even if causal
mechanisms are somewhat indirect. The book moreover engages with debates
concerning the dualization of labour markets, arguing that substantive outcomes
demonstrate the existence of a European insider–outsider division. Findings also
confirm the salience of intergovernmentalist analyses of integration and point
to a relationship between labour sectionalism and European disintegration.
This book reflects upon the wide range of Chris Wrigley's research and publications in the study of the various aspects of British labour history. It presents a set of themes revolving around the British labour movement and the lives of those connected with it. The book begins with a discussion on biography in the shape of George Howell's work on trade unions and presents Herbert Gladstone's view that the unions emerged from the medieval workers guilds. Chris was also interested in political figures connected with progressivism and the labour movement, which is reflected in the examination of Gladstone's role in the Liberal Party. There is an examination of the Co-operative Party in the north-east of England, the 1911 National Insurance Act, and the relationship between the unions and the Labour Party. The inter-war British labour politics is covered by the disaffiliation of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) from the Labour Party and by a study of the Progressive League. British and German working class lives are compared in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Female trade unionism is dealt with a focus on Association of Women Clerks and Secretaries (AWCS). The contribution of the Lansburys is brought by an essay on the role of the family members in working-class politics, including women's enfranchisement. The book also deals with the attempt by the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) to engage with punk music, and ends with a discussion on the theme of Labour disunity.
This volume is concerned with the ways in which bioprecarity, here understood as the vulnerabilization of people as embodied selves, is created through regulations and norms that encourage individuals to seek or provide bodily interventions of different kinds. We explore this in particular in relation to intimacy and intimate labour, such as in the making of families and kin and in various forms of care work. Advances in biotechnology, medical tourism and the visibilization of minoritized communities have resulted in unsettling the norms around the gendered body, intimate relations and intimate labour. Bodily interventions have sociocultural meanings and consequences both for those who seek such interventions and for those who provide the intimate labour in conducting them. The purpose of this volume is to explore these. This exploration involves sociocultural questions of boundary work, of privilege, of bodily ownership, of the multiple meanings of want (understood both as desire, for example the desire to have children or to change one’s bodily appearance; and as need – as in economic need – which often prompts people to undertake migration and/or intimate labour). It also raises questions about different kinds of vulnerabilities, for those who engage, and those who engage in, intimate labour. We use the term ‘bioprecarity’ to analyse those vulnerabilities.
The Labour Party is habitually considered the most ideologically inclined of all
British political parties, and ideological struggle has been endemic within the party
since its foundation. It is no surprise, therefore, that studies of the party have
endeavoured to understand why Labour’s ideology has shifted repeatedly throughout its history. This chapter considers those efforts.
A large and varied literature is available to explain Labour’s ideological movements
Labour’s organisational culture
The purpose of this chapter is to establish the institutional context for
Labour’s response to cultural change.1 It surveys the character of the
party’s organisation and the nature of its membership on the verge of
the 1960s, and in particular highlights the activities and assumptions
of those most responsible for the party’s well-being. Before that can be
done, however, it is necessary to outline Labour’s organisational structure and identify some of the issues to which it gave rise.
The basic unit in all 618 constituency