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John Field

6 Transference and the Labour government, 1929–31 ‘On the whole’, Beatrice Webb confided to her diary in 1929, ‘we are satisfied with the result of the General Election.’ On 1 June, Beatrice and Sydney sat up with their friends Harold and Frida Laski until 2.30 a.m. to listen to the results. Beatrice found herself ‘almost hysterical’ at ‘the flowing tide of Labour victories’ and ‘the final collapse of the Liberal Party’.1 She had little to say about the Conservatives, who gained more votes than Labour but won twentyseven fewer seats. Under Britain’s first

in Working men’s bodies
NATO strategy, détente and European integration
Author: Terry Macintyre

Speaking at West Point in 1962, Dean Acheson observed that Britain had lost an empire and had still to find a new role. This book explains why, as Britain's Labour government contemplated withdrawal from east of Suez, ministers came to see that Britain's future role would be as a force within Europe and that, to this end, and to gain entry into the European Economic Community, a close relationship with the Federal Republic of Germany would be essential. This account of Anglo-German relations during the 1960s reveals insights into how both governments reacted to a series of complex issues and why, despite differences that might have led to strains, a good understanding was maintained. Its approach brings together material covering NATO strategy, détente and European integration. The main argument of the book is reinforced by material drawn from British and German primary sources covering the period as a whole, from interviews with some of Harold Wilson's key advisers and from newspaper reports, as well as from a wide range of secondary publications. The introduction of material from German sources adds to its authenticity. The book contributes to what we know about Cold War history, and should help to redefine some of the views about the relationship between Britain and Germany during the 1960s.

Stuart C. Aveyard

10 The Labour government and police primacy in Northern Ireland, 1974–79 Stuart C. Aveyard British security policy in Northern Ireland changed substantially under the Labour government of 1974–79. At the heart of this change was an elevating of the role of the police at the expense of the army and a greater focus on operating through the courts, ending detention without trial. Inherent in this shift was a belief that heavy-handed operations by the British Army in the early years of the conflict and the introduction of internment without trial in August 1971 had

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland
Labour and cultural change
Author: Steven Fielding

This book is the first in the new series The Labour Governments 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. It deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960's cultural revolution. The book is grounded in original research, takes account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a total history of the party at this critical moment in history. It situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women in society, rising immigration, the widening generation gap, and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. Together with the other volumes in the series, on international policy and economic policy, the book provides an insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government.

An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

notably the New Labour government in Britain, with its ‘ethical foreign policy’, articulated by Foreign Secretary Robin Cook. What differentiated the Workers’ Party approach from the New Labour approach? CA: I am sure it is easier for someone on the outside to judge that than for me to do so. But why did I often talk about ‘non-indifference’? It wasn’t a qualification. It was a complement to ‘non-intervention’. In other words, where are the limits? I never thought to ‘bomb them into democracy’, first of all because we didn’t have the bombs. But I

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The politics of consultation in Britain and Australia
Author: Rob Manwaring

This book attempts to understand how two sister centre-left parties, the British Labour Party and the Australian Labor Party (ALP), have sought to adapt to the modern era and effect changes. It identifies and examines a range of drivers for Labour's desire to experiment and find new forms of citizen engagement. Linked to the influence of the New Social Democracy (NSD) is the lingering legacy of the new public management (NPM) reforms implemented in the public sectors in both countries. For Labour, democratic renewal is an attempt to secure wider legitimacy in neoliberal settings; similarly, the NSD is also linked to the debates about the perceived shift from government to governance. The NSD has attempted to respond to these debates and in Britain a concerted effort has been made to reformulate the role of the state and, by extension, civil society. The book examines how far the NSD has influenced Labour governments in Britain and Australia. It establishes Labour's interest in democratic renewal, specifically, the role of political participation and civic engagement in the wider context of democratic theory. Given that the NSD calls for an 'active citizenry', this is important. A central motif of democratic theory is an ambivalence about the role of political participation in a modern liberal democratic polity. The book explores how far New Social Democratic governments in Britain and Australia have been successful in seeking to link new forms of public dialogue to existing democratic decision-making processes in the modern western world.

S.C. Aveyard

4 Negotiating the Provisional IRA ceasefire The dominant issue for the Labour government for most of 1975 was the PIRA’s ceasefire. The ceasefire had great implications for security policy and the political scene. It provided the backdrop to the Northern Ireland Constitutional Convention, which lasted from May 1975 through to March 1976, and deeply affected the Labour government’s relationships with political parties in Great Britain and Northern Ireland, with the government of the Republic of Ireland and with senior British army officers. The public

in No solution
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensation, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confidence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Abstract only
Terry Macintyre

into a force for world rather than simply continental influence.2 This book will argue, and will draw from British and German official records to demonstrate, that central to Britain’s strategy towards Anglo-German relations Europe developed by the Labour governments between 1964 and 1970 was a close relationship with Germany.3 In his excellent study of the foreign policy process in Britain, which includes the development of bilateral relationships, in many fields, between Britain and Germany since the Second World War, as well as showing with convincing

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70
Abstract only
Terry Macintyre

Conclusion T he years between 1964 and 1970 are often considered as a period crucial in British post-war history, as a period when Britain faced the consequences of the loss of Empire and of increasing international economic competition. For the Labour governments under Harold Wilson, the challenges were immense: managing an economy beset by serious balance of payments problems, with all the implications this held for Britain’s world position; preserving Britain’s nuclear status, after intimating that it should be abandoned and, at the same time, preventing the

in Anglo-German relations during the Labour governments 1964–70