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George Philip

13 Latin America george philip It is possible to argue that Latin America is no more than a geographical expression, and that, rather than trying to generalize across a range of different countries, we need to focus on the history of the individual republics. Certainly there are significant differences within the region, and path dependency is a factor in determining particular political outcomes. However, there are important similarities within the region as well. All Latin American political systems are presidential. No Latin American country has achieved a

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Context, causes, characteristics and consequences
Barry Cannon

Introduction Populism is viewed by many as a negative concept. Donald Rumsfeld, one time United States Secretary for Defence under President George W. Bush, in a speech given in March 2006, expressed his concern about Latin Americans turning to ‘populist leadership … that clearly are worrisome’. Alejandro Toledo ex-president of Peru (2001–06) believes that ‘cheap empty populism is the danger to democracy’. 1 The Economist warns that ‘populists are leading Latin America down a blind alley’ 2 while British

in Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian revolution
Sean W. Burges

Latin America more broadly and South America specifically provide the platform on which Brazilian foreign policy architects positioned their main lever for attempting to shift structural power frameworks and the pursuit of their country’s particular brand of international insertion. Central to this has been a continental strategic reality particularly propitious for the consensual hegemonic style of leadership sought by Brazil over the last quarter century. While there have been occasional armed contretemps between South American states, the most serious

in Brazil in the world

Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century provides a valuable overview in English of transatlantic trade agreement negotiations and developments in the first decades of the twenty-first century. The collection examines key motivations behind trade agreements, traces the evolution of negotiations and explores some of the initial impacts of new-generation trade agreements with the EU on South American countries. The book makes an important contribution to our understanding of relations between these regions by contextualising relations and trade agendas within the frames of both domestic political and economic policies and broader global trends. It demonstrates the importance of a shift towards mega-regional trade agreements in the 2010s, particularly under the Obama Administration in the United States, in shaping South American and European agendas for trade agreement negotiations and in explaining the timing and outcomes of these. Various chapter investigate in detail the relations with MERCOSUR, the Andean states, Chile and Mexico in particular, as these countries have negotiated new generation trade agreements with the EU. Other contributions offer an overarching panorama of EU–Latin American relations, including parliamentary and civil society relations. The net result is a balanced analysis of contemporary EU relations with South America.

Transnational revolutionaries, exiles and the formation of the Tupamaros in early 1960s Montevideo
Marina Cardozo

transit in Montevideo during the 1960s. This was a key moment for the configuration of revolutionary thought, as well as for the consolidation of a new radical left in Uruguay and, more broadly, in Latin America. The chapter examines an aspect scarcely touched in the historiography of the Uruguayan armed left, contributing to the study of transnational links between New Left movements during the years of

in Transnational solidarity
Ana Longoni

Maoist imaginaries in Latin American art Ana Longoni In the 1960s, in a moment of extreme political tension, arguments between realism and the avant-garde were re-ignited in the Latin American art world. On the one hand, influential experimental movements were gaining momentum in several Latin American countries. On the other hand, a violent campaign in favour of socialist realism was unfolding as communists criticised maverick artists for being ‘ludic’ and ‘decadent’.1 But their criticism was not monolithic. Events such as the Cuban Revolution, the Chinese

in Art, Global Maoism and the Chinese Cultural Revolution
Clarice Greco, Mariana Marques de Lima, and Tissiana Nogueira Pereira

Introduction Upon the consolidation of television in 1960s, telenovelas 1 became the main cultural product in Brazil and all over Latin America – especially those produced by Globo – and achieved high ratings in prime-time slots. However, in recent years, another TV channel, Record TV, has been trying a different strategy, that of biblical telenovelas. Since 2010, Record TV has produced telenovelas and TV series alike which focus on biblical stories to attract new audiences. Up to 2017, biblical telenovelas Record TV broadcast included: A História de

in The Bible onscreen in the new millennium
Arantza Gómez Arana

Trump becoming the president of the US, and Bolsonaro becoming the president of Brazil. The way that some of these populist governments have interacted with each other is also relevant. Trump seemed to have a confrontational attitude against several actors such as Latin America, the EU and China. This increased the already existent lack of trust, and consequently they are more inclined to diversify their external relations agenda (Santander 2020 ). According to Santander, both the US and China are trying to take advantage of each other's position in relation to LA

in Latin America–European Union relations in the twenty-first century
Pastor Murillo and Esther Ojulari

150 Chapter 7 General Recommendation 34: a contribution to the visibility and inclusion of Afro-​descendants in Latin America Pastor Murillo and Esther Ojulari Introduction In a context of mestizo1 national identities and the ‘myth of racial democracy’,2 the issue of racial discrimination was largely denied in many Latin American countries for much of the twentieth century. Reflecting this, Afro-​descendants were an ‘invisible group’ within international law, with no specific norms or mechanisms responding to their particular rights claims until the twenty

in Fifty years of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination